SATYAJIT RAY

Satyajit Ray is one of the great directors on the Indian movie industry. He has made comedies, musical fantasies, detective films, and documentaries. His comedies are a combination of comedy, fantasy, satire, farce and a touch of pathos. The music in his films mesmerizes the audience in addition to expressionistic lighting, utterly convincing sets and the actors monumental performances. Ray had a penchant for Sherlock Holmes and that is the reason he made three detective films. His documentary films about people keep the audience informed of the subject and they are self effacing. His appeal to particular personalities led him to direct such films.

Ray as a film maker: Ray’s best technique in film making is one that is noticeable. His films are simple, immediate and full of essence. Ray conveys through his films a sense of a whole personality. Ray is a cinema of thought and feeling in which the feeling is deliberately restrained as it is so intense. Ray’s films are antithesis of conventional Hollywood films both in state and in content. He never indulges in emotional rhetoric. He consciously eschews glamour, gimmicks and technical polish. Ray is instinctual by making films for Bengalis rather than reliance on foreign audience. Ray won the Reznick Golden Laurel Award thrice at the festival for ‘Patner Panchal’, ‘Aparajito’ and ‘Two Daughters’.

Ray’s films are meaningful and pleasurable to everyone. Ray ideally likes complete freedom to portray what a story demands and he believes that overall are hit in India. Rays love for the land of his birth is evident in his films. He has never felt the need to leave India for his films or subjects. Ray is too original for both Western and Oriental themes. As an artist he has faith in the idea of East-West synthesis and his films reveal ideas of Indian and Western civilization. Ray has experimented with subject matter and style more than any other director in cinema. He has always been true to his conviction that the finest cinema uses strong and simple themes, with hundred little irrelevant details which help to intensify and create the illusion of actuality better. Ray continued creating his films unclouded by cynicism. Ray’s work reminds us of the wholeness and sanctity of the individual and offers us intimations of a mysterious unity behind the visible world. He has created an indelible impact on the minds of the audience.

Some aspects of Ray’s craft is as follows: Ray has used a high degree of discipline to achieve simplicity and immediacy on screen. The unobtrusiveness of his technique stands in direct proportions to the power of his concentration on it. Ray’s principle is that all departments of film making must serve the needs of the source material. His films have organic cohesion grown from original inspiration.

Story and script: Ray’s films have not been entirely original. He borrows tremendously from other people’s work. His experience is all middle class. A strong developed screenplay before shooting is something Ray regards as a necessity. It makes his film-making more economic. He believes that the most fruitful improvisation results from the most thorough preparation. His ear for dialogue and his ability to write it for films is among the finest in cinema. His exposure to Bengali films helped him to draw out his latent talent. Besides the characters who are speaking the dialogue Ray has the actors in mind when he is writing a screenplay. His script is so clear, fluent and natural that no discussion is necessary.

Editing – Ray state that editing is the stage when a film begins to come to life. Ray is quite ruthless with his own footage and that of others. His work can be described as following composedly like a big river. He wants to preserve a life like sensation in his films beginning with the screenplay and culminating with the editing. He has managed transitions in his films with surgical skills.

Casting and handling of actors: Ray has no taboo about the actors he selects. He has worked with all kinds of people from box office starts to people who had never seen a film. He picks a new actor if the story dictates it and moulds his performance by whatever means bringing the right result. Ray generally keeps rehearsals to the minimum. He waits until the sets or location is ready with the exception of certain technically demanding shots. He feels prolonged rehearsal is more likely to produce stiffness than perfection of the screen. He had an eye for continuity and realism which was fantastic. He was clear as to what he wanted in direction. He creates an atmosphere on the set of alertness and concentration that is both economical of time and money and a reflection of himself. It is really the devotion he elicits, more than any specific technique of directing that produces the on screen miracles of his work. Ray’s attitude draws out the improvision technique and depth that an actor is capable of giving to his performance. He never strains the actor. He never attacks the actors self confidence but expects it.

Camera work and lighting: The pioneering system of shadowless bounce lighting was used in Ray’s films. The screening of his film ‘Charulata’ is so satifying; the mobility of the camera and the use of zooms and close-ups matches the playful, restless, border behavior of the actress Charu. The relative stillness of the early part of ‘The Goddess’ is equally appropriate allowing us to absorb the lethargic brooding atmosphere of the zamindars mansion. Ray does not wish to call attention to the camerawork but each style acts on the mind as part of an integrated composition of light movement, sound, speech and music. The viewer feels himself to be in direct touch with Ray’s character and settings through the lens of his camera.

Music composition: Ray has evolved his own style and method of composition to suit his peculiar situation and talents. He painstakingly writes out score in both Indian and western citation depending on the musicians involved. Ray felt that music is an extraneous element. He preferred to be his own composer as he gets clear ideas of what the film needs by way of music. He favors employing elements from well known ragas and raginis and shifting from raga to raga. His overall aim is to compose background music that brings to the particular film than to any recognizable tradition. Ray’s goal in the music of ‘the Home and the World’ was comparable to adapt certain western elements along with Indian and specifically Tagorean ones and make music to interest and satisfy viewers with both backgrounds while expressing the inextricable mixture of influences as work with the characters.

Ray’s films are slow as regarded by some viewers but are also interesting to some others. His films have supple life like dialogue and probing telling camerawork. His films follow certain preoccupied patterns and dramatizes trivial phenomena which are woven together in a carefully calculated manner. His films for children involving tricks and magic are the most striking things ever done in cinematic choreography. The main value of some of his films is archival. The ingenuity of his films have won his accolades and awards in India and abroad. He never differentiated between a major or minor artist or technician.

Satyajit Ray is one of the genius veterans of Indian Film industry and will always be remembered for his good films.

EFFECTS OF PERSIAN CONTACT ON INDIAN CULTURE

Impact on administration – there are many similarities between the Persian administration and the administration of the Indian states.

a. Both Indians and Aryans belonged to the same race and this racial affinity could well have produced certain similarities.

b. There were trade relations even before the political contacts; and the commercial contact could have resulted in borrowing some of the features of the Persian administration by the Indian.

c. The similarities might be due to sheer coincidence. Nevertheless it is quite probable that at least some of the similarities were the result of Persian Invasion of India.

In Persia the Emperor was all powerful, but this was in theory. In practice he consulted his nobles in administrative matters and his judges in legal matters. The same was the case with the great emperors of India. In theory their word was law. In practice they consulted their nobles and the brahmins.

The Persians established a mighty empire. We find that in India also there arose the concept of ‘Universal’ sovereignty. This Universal monarchy seems to gain ground after the Persian Invasions, and it gains further ground after Alexander’s invasion.

The Persian Empire embraced numerous civilizations and cultures and religions. The Persians not only tolerated these but encouraged them. We find the same tendency in India when large Empires arose. There was seldom any religious intolerance in ancient India. Hindu emperors like Guptas encouraged Buddhists. Buddhist emperors like Ashoka patronized Brahmins. Moreover, the Indian emperors seldom tried to force their own laws, customs, manners, etc., on the conquered people. They realized that what was good in the land of the conqueror might not be suitable in the land of the conquered.

The Persians realized that previous empires had decayed because the race that built up the empire lost its vigor and took to vice, luxury and corruption. To prevent this, they inculcated in their youth a love for certain virtues like honesty, fairness, respect for women, etc. They also taught their youth to lead hardy lives, and encouraged them to ride hard, to hunt, etc. We find that in India, the education of princes was also undertaken on similar lines.

The backbone of the Persian empire was the Persian aristocracy, trained from youth to man the military and civil services, so that the emperors did not have to depend on mercenaries. In India also the Brahmin and Kshatriya aristocracy supplied the Emperor with his requirements of civil and military officials.

There were many features in the administration in India which were probably copied from Persia: the system of espionage, the system of communication by building trunk roads, etc.

The Indian term ‘Kshatrappaa’ meaning ‘governor’ or ‘vassal prince’ is derived from the Persian term ‘Satrap’.

Until long after the Persian invasions, the Indians used Persian officials. Chandragupta Maurya engaged Persians in his excellent system of administration. The Girnar Rock inscription refers to Tushaspa, a Persian, as being governor of Kathiawar. Probably these officials introduced the Persian court ceremonies in Indian courts. The tradition of engaging Persian officials was continued until Mughal times.

Impact on script: The official language of the Persian Empire as Aramaic. It became the language of commercial intercourse. It became the ‘Lingua franca’ of a large part of the civilized world. Long after the fall of the Persian Empire, Aramaic continued to be used. This form of writing came to India and thus was developed the Kharoshti Script, written from left to right. Tablets on which this script have been inscribed have been found in India. Kharosti was one of the principal scripts of Bactria, Afghanistan, Punjab and Sind for several centuries. The Bactrian coins often have legends in Greek on the obverse and in Kharosti on the reverse. These are the coins of the Bactrian Greek invaders of India, who came to India after the fall of the Mauryan Empire.

Impact on Art: It is generally accepted that Persian Art influenced Mauryan Art. The Ashokan Pillars were to some extent inspired and influenced by the Persian pillars, although the Ashokan pillar is not a carbon copy of the Persian pillar. The capital of the Ashokan pillar has an inverted lotus, which resembles the Persian bell-shaped capital. The capitals of both Persian and Ashokan Pillars generally have animal sculptures which show a remarkable degree of artistic excellence.

Thus we see that the Persian contact did influence Indian culture.

GANDHARA SCHOOL OF SCULPTURE

Intimately connected with the Mahayan School Buddhism was a new school of Indian sculpture known as the Gandhara School. It flourished under the Kushans especially Kanishka during whose time a number o Buddhist monasteries, stupas and statues were constructed. They bear a distinct influence of the Old Greek School of Art. The province of Gandhara, the center of the new school of Buddhism, was so situated as to be the meeting ground of the Indian, Chinese, Iranian and the Greco- Roman cultures. It was therefore quite natural for the province to absorb foreign ideas and influences. Hence the art of the province could not but be a mixture of the West + the East. It owed its origin to the Greek rulers of Bachia + North West India. The Gandhara art is undoubtedly derived from Greek art or to be more precise the Hellenistic art of Asia minor + the Roman Empire. Accordingly, it is also known as Indo Greek or Greco Roman Art. As this art was adopted to Indian genius and applied to Buddhist subjects, it is also called the Greco- Buddhist School of art. But though the technique was borrowed from Greece, the art was essentially Indian in spirit and it was solely employed to give expression to the beliefs and practices of the Buddhists. With a few exceptions, no Greek story or legend and no Greek art motif has been detected among the numerous specimens of Gandhara sculpture. The Indian subjects were interpreted through the Greeco Roman technique. In fact the Gandhara artist had the hand of a Greek and the heart of an Indian. The sentiment is Buddhist but the technique is grafted on foreign soil. Outside India Gandhara Art became very important as it turned to be the parent of the Buddhist art of Eastern or Chinese Turkestan, Mongolia, China, Korea and Japan.

The Gandhara sculptures have been found in the ruins of Taxila in various ancient sites in Afghanistan and the northwest frontier province of Pakistan. They consist mostly of images of Buddha and relief sculptures representing scenes from Buddhist texts. They were executed in stone, stucco, terracotta, and clay and appear to have been invariably embellished with gold leaf or paint. Specimens preserved in Peshawar, Lahore and other museums are executed in stone. But at Taxila, the archeologists have discovered in addition to stone images, a large number of stucco ones, a smaller number of terracotta and clay figures. The discoveries have greatly added to our knowledge of sculpture and the technical skill employed by the artistes of the Gandhara school.

There are some outstanding technical characteristics of the Gandhara School of Sculpture that easily distinguish it from other Indian sculptures. In the first place, Gandhara School has ‘a tendency to mould the human body in a realistic manner with great attention to accuracy of physical details, especially by the delineation of muscles and the addition of moustaches, etc. Secondly the representation of the thick drapery with large and bold fold lines form a distinct characteristic. Lastly, the Gandhara sculptures reveal rich carving, elaborate ornamentation and complex symbolism.

For a long time it was believed that the images of Buddha and Boddhisattvas executed by the Gandhara Art served as the model for those executed at Mathura and Gandhara. There appears a striking difference between the Buddha images of Gandhara and those of the Indian interior. The former laid stress on accuracy of anatomical details and physical beauty, while the latter strove towards imparting a sublime and spiritual expression to the figure. The one was realistic and the other idealistic – the vital difference between western and Indian art.

The main theme of the Gandhara School of Sculpture was the new form of Buddhism and its most important contribution was the evolution of an image of buddha. The Gandhara schools of art was a tremendous iconographic success, because from now onward the figures of the Buddha were much in vogue. Fine images of Buddha and Bodhisattvas and relief sculptures illustrating various episodes of Buddha’s present and past lives are remarkably executed in a kind of black stone. The life of Buddha forms the inspiring motive of this art. In fact, the Gandhara school of sculpture is a lively commentary on the life and deeds of Lord Buddha. However, it should be noted, as Sir John Marshall points out that the Gandhara School of Art never took real hold upon India, because the Indians and the Greeks were radically different and dissimilar.

Besides this school of sculpture, there were other schools of art particularly flourishing in Mathura and Amravati in the south. Simplicity and restraint were the marked features of these schools.

PHIROZESHAH MEHTA (1845-1915)

In the city of Bombay, in the second half of the 19^th century, the famous Triumvirate, namely Phirozeshah Mehta, K. T. Telang and Badruddin Tyabji, gave a fillip to liberal, secular, moderate nationalism.

Mehta was a Parsi western educated lawyer and prominent political leader of the city of Bombay. He was the secretary fo Bombay branch of the East India Association (EIA), member of the Bombay Association, the Western India Association and a powerful leader of the moderate faction of the Indian National Congress. During 1884-85 he was the chairman of Bombay Municipal Corporation. For Mehta, secretaryship of EIA was an important steppingstone to leadership and fame. By the close of the century he had emerged, along with Gopal Krishna Gokhale as an acknowledged political leader of the country. Mehta and K. T. Telang concentrated their activities from 1870s onwards in building up their power base, within the decade they made a successful bid to capture the leadership of the city.

P. M. was a liberal. He was in favor of reform, especially of municipal affairs of Bombay. Although, in 1874, he was a supporter of the (corrupt) Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, Arthur T. Crawford, he struggled for popularly elected body for the Bombay Municipality. P. M. supported the campaign for a complete reform of the electoral system. In his view, the continued appointment of the Justice of Peace for life by the government was bad. Hence, he demanded a popular and responsible corporation, elected by the ‘ratepayers’ themselves.

At a public meeting held in April 1883, Mehta, Tyabji, Telang, Mandlik and Dadabhai Naoroji affirmed that the educated intelligentsia should participate fully in the administration not only of their city but of India as well. They urged the English educated Indians to unite and present a united front to their rivals for prestige and power i.e., the Anglo-indians. They told them to be prepared for sacrifice and struggle until they had won a status of equality with the ruling race. But as P. H. Mody writes, Mehta, like Naoroji, had a sincere faith in the sense of justice and fair play of the British.

P. M. rendered unforgettable service to the systematic organization of the municipal corporation as a member and mayor. According to G. K. Gokhale, by pacing his outstanding abilities freely at the disposal of the city for nearly 50 years, Mehta attained a position ‘unrivaled predominance’ in the corporation and in the country’s affairs.

P.M. was liberal and moderate in politics. He always was fair and sought justice in the politics of the British in India. His grasp of things and vigour of his intellect and his fearless independence together dignity and judgment won him a prominent place in the public life of Bombay. In the legislative council of Bombay, he showed himself to be a match for the ablest of his Anglo-Indian opponents.

M. highlighted in the council debated the indifference of the civil servants to the grievances of the Indian people and public opinion. As president of the Indian National Congress, he urged the adoption of direct election and enlargement of the functions of Legislative Councils so that the people were not left at the mercy of an indifferent officialdom.

P.M. was a champion of the Free Press. Therefore, he severely criticized the vernacular press Act of 1878 which imposed severe limitations on the freedom of the press. He denounced this autocratic measure of Lord Lytton as a ‘narrow minded policy of autocratic imperialism’. He went to the extent of opposing the proposal of giving a public address and erecting a memorial to Sir Richard Temple, the retiring Governor of Bombay Presidency.

He had faith in the capacity of the Indians to manage representative institutions. He also believed that ‘the time was past when strong popular opinion on any subject could be successfully resisted by Government for any length of time’. As an active member of the Bombay Branch of the East Indian Association, Bombay Association, Western India Assciation and founder member of the Bombay Presidency Association, Mehta strove through resolutions, memorials and public meetings to focus the general feeling of the community on matters of common interest as well as to attract the governments attention towards grievances of the people.

P. M. was one of the founded members of the Indian National Congress and soon came to be recognized as one of its pillars. A moderate and constitutionalist, Mehta was elected President of the Congress in 1890. He put the case of the Congress in a nutshell when he said that it had survived the ridicule, abuse, misrepresentation and charges of sedition and disloyalty.

According to Mehta, ‘It is because the masses are still unable to articulate definite political demands that the functions and duty devolve upon their educated and enlightened compatriots to feel, to understand and to interpret their grievances and requirements and to suggest and indicate how these can best be redressed and met’.

By 1980, P. M.’s position in the political life of Maharashtra and at the All India level had become almost unassailable. He was President of the Congress in 1890, a member of the Bombay Legislative Council from 1887 to 1893, in 1893, he was elected to the viceroy’s Legislative Council. His position within the Bombay Presidency Association was equally strong. He had close personal contacts with J. N. Tata and D. M. Petit, the leading capitalists of Bombay. Thus, he came to dominate the city of Bombay and was hailed as the ‘Lion of Bombay’.

P. M. was a staunch nationalist. He believed that despite differences India was acquiring a general will as a political community which gave it the status of a nation, a consciousness of political unity. This spirit was evident, he believed, in the Congress. The members of the Congress ‘met together as men on the common basis of nationality influenced for weal of woes by the system of administration urged by like impulses to secure the rights and be relieved of like burdens…’ he said.

MARATHI PRESS

EVALUATE THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MARATHI PRESS TO THE NATIONAL MOVT IN MAHARASHTRA

National press

Press became a powerful tool in India. There was a possibility to exchange views, exposed social evils, fostered the growth of literary works. Played a prominent role in India, in the Constitution of India, a sense of unity among the people, helping the national economy of the people.

Printing press was introduced in India i.e., in Goa by the Portuguese Scottish missionaries brought the press in Bombay and the American missionaries introduced Devnagari type. Thus, it can be seen that press was used in the propagation of Christianity. Weekly and monthly periodicals were printed in this press.

Two Marathi printers were Ganpat Krishnaji and Javaji Dadaji. Marathi printing press named Desh Marathi Chhapkhana was established by Javaji Dadaji and is working till today.

The oldest press in Pune was Chitrashala Kitabkhana press. After 1860 we find Kesari and Dyna Prakash printing press.

Newspapers, journals, magazines, periodicals were printed for public education.

The work of the 3 periodicals which earlier were weeklies but later on became daily newspapers

1844 a periodical ‘Upadesh Chandrika’ was published to counteract the propaganda; to protect the Hindu religion.

Dnyanodaya was a Marathi periodical published by American Christian missionaries from Ahmednagar. Publication started in 1842. This periodical was dedicated to the spread of Christianity. It exposed (criticized) the defects of Hindu society and criticized the customs and practices of the Hindus. They could not accept this.

Dnyanaprakash – they started / began their publication in 1849 from Pune. It was an Anglo Marathi periodical. In the beginning it was issued only on Mondays but later it started issues twice a week on Mondays and Thursdays.

This periodical captured the hearts of the many people who kept increasing in number. Contributors to this periodical were – Chiplunkar, Deshmukh, Justice M. G. Ranade and many scholars. It gave not only internal news but international news too. This periodical devoted a few columns to female education, trade and commerce and themes of public interest. The title of this periodical was ‘radiating knowledge’. In 1904, it became a daily newspaper. This was the second periodical to be turned into a daily newspaper. The first was Induprakash published from Bombay.

‘Induprakash (1^st Marathi paper) began its publication from 1862. Edited by Vishnushashtri Pandit, it was printed as a bilingual weekly with emphasis on social reforms. This periodical devoted a few columns to child marriage, female education, widow remarriage. Its main purpose was to provoke thinking on social evils, create public consciousness. The paper achieved tremendous popularity.

Periodicals and magazines in the Mofussils

The periodicals and magazines that were published in Bombay and Pune were mostly in two languages – English and Marathi. They aimed at attracting readers from the Marathi speaking and non-Marathi speaking population. Their main objective was to educate the public. Their second objective was profit making.

The Inam commission, the famines, the Sepoys Mutiny of 1857, the end of the rule by the East India Company and the American Civil War had shaken the people. They were eager for news and guidance in conducting their business and other affairs of practical importance.

 

The role of public libraries

People were very much interested in reading newspapers, periodicals. Later on they felt the need of libraries. The 1^st general library was at Dhobi Talao (June 7, 1845). Those who could not buy newspapers, periodicals, magazines had free access to that public library.

This news spread and many libraries were established

-       In Pune – Nagar Vachan Mandir – 1848

-       Kolhapur – General Library – 1850

-       Amravati – City Library – 1867

-       Konkan, Ratnagiri, Vengurla, Sawantwadi and Malwan

 

THE ROLE OF THE PRESS IN THE LAST QUARTER OF THE 19^TH CENTURY

People all over Maharashtra did pay a lot of attention to the press, to news, read newspapers. The literate people too gained a lot through the press.

 

PRESS AS A NEW FORCE IN MAHARASHTRA

With the spread of education and opening up of libraries the newly elected people in the mofussils were eager to read about secular matter not merely the stories from Hindu mythology.

Chiplunkar’s classical style won him the title of ‘Shivaji of Marathi Language’. It was Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar who was one of the founder of Kesari along with G. G. Agarkar and Tilak.

Jyotirao Phule started a periodical – Sarita (river) 1885 which helped him to organize Satyashodhak Samaj

One magazine edited by non Brahmin was Deenabandhu of Kolhapure (1877) edited by Bhalekar.

 

THE VERNACULAR PRESS ACT 1878

The outbreak of famine in Maharashtra in 1876-77 and in many parts of India created an explosive situation. By 1877 the press in India had become very powerful. There were about 644 newspapers in India out of which about a 100 were in Maharashtra. The British government acted as guardian of the people of India.

Conclusion

The role of the press in promoting knowledge among the ever-increasing readers of the popular dailies, weeklies and magazines cannot be denied. Thus, we can say that the Marathi press not only promoted enlightenment among the people but also enriched the language and emerged as a great single force to mould public opinion in Maharashtra.

 

 

 

 

SOCIAL REFORMERS IN MAHARASHTRA (1900-1920)

Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade explained to the social reformers of Maharashtra that ‘the change which they should all seek is thus a change from constraint to freedom, from cruelty to faith, from status to contract, from authority to reason, from unorganized to organized life, from blind fate to a sense of human dignity’.

The issue on which controversies raged in the 19^th century included questions such as child marriage and widow remarriage. Efforts were made to educate women in particular and get their rights reorganized. Several of the social reformers in the 19^th century belonged to the upper class.

When the 1^st wife of M. G. Ranade passed away in October 1873 his father arranged his marriage within 2 months and instead of marrying a widow Ranade gave his consent to marry a girl chosen for him by his father. Justice K. T. Telang had to agree to celebrate the marriage of his 8-year-old daughter though he had always condemned child marriage. Gopal Deshmukh did not dare to attend a wedding of a widow. Men like R. G. Bhandarkar and D. A. Karve patiently bore the brunt of the boycott imposed by the orthodox sections of the society which did not like their active support to the cause of widow remarriage. Tilak as a leader of Maharashtra in the 19^th century believed that the attainment of Swaraj was the key to the problems in India. He opposed every attempt made by social reformers to seek help from the alien government for introducing social reform through legislation.

During the present century the emphasis slowly shifted from their form of the social institution of family to the revolt against the caste system. Tilak’s failure to understand the legitimate aspirations and apprehensions of the non-Brahmin castes alienated him to their leaders. The gulf between Tilak and the non-Brahmin leaders widened further when the British government in August 1917 assured Indians a share I power and announced its policy of encouraging increasing associations of Indians with the administration of India.

The situation changed when Gandhiji took over the leadership of the congress and the nationalist struggle for independence. According to Rajaji, the Mahatma integrated social and religious reform with political activity in the congress and changed the whole character of the congress.

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had emerged as the unchallenged leader of the depressed classes in Maharashtra and was recognized as a leader of national states by the scheduled castes in all parts of India. He organized the untouchables and agitated for their rights. Despite Gandhijis persistent efforts to improve the Harijans, Ambedkar bitterly criticized Gandhiji for defending the Chatur Varna System.

The important social reformers of Maharashtra are:

Bal Shashtri Jambhekar

Gopal Hari Deshmukh (Lokhitwadi)

Jotirao Govindrao Phule

Ramkrishnan Gopal Bhandarkar

Mahadeo Govind Ranade

Gopal Ganesh Agarkar

Dhondo Keshav Karve

Vitthal Ramji Shinde

Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj

GOPAL HARI DESHMUKH (LOKHITWADI)

 

-       Assess the contribution of Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh to the growth of Liberal Thought in Maharashtra

-       ‘The Shatpatre and the Swadkyaya hold the key to an understanding of Lokhitwadi G. H. Deshmukh’. Elucidate

-       critically examine N.R.Pathak’s statement that ‘Lokhitwadi was the first Maharashtrian to attempt an analysis of the Hindu society from the economic point of view’.

-       Discuss the nature of religious dissent and social protest expressed by Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh through the press.

-       Examine Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh’s critique of the contemporary society.

The English educated generation in Maharashtra began to examine the old traditions, the old institutions, old values, old customs and visages, subjugating them to the test of reason. On such re-examination, they felt the urgent need to reform the society to suit the new environment. Three thought currents of different types emerged as a consequence. These were represented by three outstanding personalities viz. Gopal Hari Deshmukh alias Lokhitwadi, Vishnubuwa Bramhahari and Jyotiba Phule. These thought currents may be designated as ‘all sided reformism’, ‘revivalism’ and ‘populism’ respectively.

Gopal Hari Deshmukh, popularly known as Lokhitwadi, was the pioneer of all sided reformism in Maharashtra. He was a fine product of the new learning of the West. He laid the foundation of a broadbased intellectual renaissance in western India. He possessed a rare foresight and could predict the future course of events. Lokhitwadi was active throughout his life.

His name is connected with the establishment of a number of public institutions. His greatest impact however, was made through his journalistic and literary work. He wrote a number of booklets on current religious, social and economic problems.

His bigger books are mainly on historical topics. From 1848 onwards, he published a series of short articles in the periodical ‘Prabhakar’ on religious, social, political, economic and educational subjects. These one hundred and eight articles known as Shatapatre, were collected in 1860 as part of ‘Lokhitwadikrta Nibandhasangraha’. The Shatapatree represents an outspoken, impatient, penetrating analysis of the ills of society. He published a book entitled Svadhyaya Athava Aryavidyancha Krama, Vichar ani Pariksana (study of sequence of the Aryan learnings, thought and review) which is more moderate in its diction, gives the opinions of the experienced, mature reformer. The Shatapatree and the Svadhaya hold the key to an understanding of Lokhitwadi. Both books contain basically the same teaching; but the latter is more clearly in praise of the vedic times.

The Shatapatree reveals his unusual grasp of the new trend of events. One is surprised to see the modernity and the secularity of his outlook in so young an age. As he explained the effect of writing these letters in letter no.100, he wished that the people should know the real situation, reform themselves, achieve well-being in this world and attain happiness in the other. He wanted people to renounce their time-honored prejudices, indiscretion and foolishness. He appealed to his readers again and again to think for themselves and welcome the new learning with open mind. He spared no body and no follies of his countrymen, which were responsible for the present downtrodden state of the country. He was the first to challenge the age-old authority and traditions. He realized the importance of the western learning and the power of knowledge. True learning is search for knowledge. He earnestly wished to place before his fellowmen the new thought and the new vision.

He was convinced that this was essential to reform the society. He defined reform as a way to public good. The hundred epistles reveal his considered reflections on religion, politics, economic, social matters and administrative affairs. His criticism of social matters had a comprehensive bearing. The Epistles show his patriotic fervor and the deep love for his own country. They express the poignant grief felt by the intellectual class of Maharashtra at the loss of political independence of the country. He was the first to ponder over the causes, which were responsible to the loss of our independence. He attributed the loss to eight causes, which he called as ‘Hindushashtak’ (eight aggregate causes of the ruin of Hindus). To avoid overlapping in his argument, the causes he enumerated were ignorance, loss of learning, dominance of foolish Brahmin’s, misguided notions about religion, fatalism and blind traditionalism.

He had not produced a fictitious description based on somebody’s words or teachings. He did not write for profit or wealth, not with the purpose of gaining fame. He laboured so that the people might recognize their true condition and improve and some long outstanding opinions, which have taken firm root through thoughtlessness or stupidity may become fewer and disappear. For this purpose, he had laboured without renumeration as well as he could and of his own free will.

To many an old-fashioned person, several opinions of Lokhitwadi will appear unfavorable and against the Hindu religion. But this is mere imagination on their part, because there is nothing in them, which is unfavorable to the Hindu religion. All it is against is stupidity.

His letters give us an insight into what guided his journalism and his reform efforts throughout his life. He wrote: ‘I request all you people to begin to read, to read new books and newspapers and observe what is happening around you. Begin to realize that the British have many a good quality. God brought the British and you together in order that you may acquire these qualities. Become religious and intent on God. Without these virtues, everything is vain. Speak the truth, give up vicious desires, work for the improvement of religion and do not cast it aside, but interpret it according to the times. Spread the knowledge of God and the world among all the people. Stop being lazy. Appoint the really intelligent among you as leader. Proceed according to his directions. Let there be unity among all men. Keep in mind that there should be no split among us. Increase your knowledge and forge ahead. Watch continuously how the government functions, who is ruling and how he behaves. Stay well informed.

Compare with your ancient sciences, books, opinions, ideas, a hundred times better as many more. Sciences have now risen, examine them all. In your regard for wealth, do not stick to your laziness. Know that the bhats and pandits are just fools. Search for true morality. Learning means knowledge, it makes man pure, inquisitive, powerful’.

This text exhorts the people to open their minds to become inquisitive, to improve. At the same time Lokhitwadi pointed out equally clearly that their society was crippled by abuses.

Blue prints for a new outlook on life

Lokhitwadi used these and strong words to arouse people. But his criticism did not remain negative. He strove to pull down the ramshackle old hut, but he already had the blue prints of a new building to be erected in its place. The positive substance of his writings had stood the test of a century, and has kept its value even to this day.

 

Religion

In Lokhitwadi’s view a rational approach must be made to religion. He wrote: ‘Hindus have not yet started to think for themselves. It is still not clear to them that the mind is a big sacred book and that the written sacred books are all inferior to it’.

Judging his own religion from a practical point of view he came to the conclusion that the saying of the holy scriptures needed to be tested by reason. The Vedas were written by rishis who were writers and great saints, but not divine persons. Castes were originally based on the qualities of the people and their occupations, and not on a divine dispensation. The avatars were brave and virtuous heroes. The belief in reincarnation arose only in the Puranas. The effigy of mantras is imaginary. Astrology is false. It is proper to fight against the customs of Sati, cutting of hair of the widows, child marriage, prohibition of remarrying widows and similar practices. But religion, understood as a way to God, should not be disapproved.

The philosophical outlook of Lokhitwadi was that of the Prarthana Samaj. He held that there is only one ruler of the universe. The human soul and the absolute being are essentially different. The human soul is of inferior nature and God is almighty without limitation. The origin, preservation and destruction of the universe depends on him. The changes which effect the universe do not make it unreal. The reality of the world is a fact of experience. Lokhitwadi restricts the content of our knowledge of God, more than other members of the Prarthana Samaj did.

He also contributed his share to the growth of a liberal philosophy of political government. For this, he drew his main inspiration from the dynastic sequence of Jeremy Bentham, James Mill and J.S. Mill.

The state, he held is established to bring about the good of the people. After mentioning in praise of the British government, the new system of appointments based on competitive examinations, he wrote approvingly that: ‘all thoughtful people admit that the second aspect of the present form of government is that it preserves happiness and peace and promotes learning, justice, good behavior, freedom and many a work useful to the people. By this it strives to keep the people flourishing and satisfied; and the result of this can be easily experienced’.

The same utilitarian function of the government is also mentioned in a list of thirty-nine propositions, which in his view, had been neglected in India for a long time, but revived again through the influx of new ideas. One proposition runs as follows: ‘It should be the policy of the government to increase the knowledge and the wealth of the people day by day. Government has the duty to protect the freedom of the individual. In a good state, the views of the people are considered and its administration is based on their consent. The ruler should be elected by the people and can be removed if he abuses his position. Kings are not constituted by divine institution. The exercise of government should be based on law. All the citizens have the same rights and duties. For the protection of the state, the legislation should therefore be equal for all without distinction of caste or creed.

Lokhitwadi understood that this principle of equality should be applied also to the relations between the English and the Indians. He stated impatiently that both are men and contradiction some of his other statements, he added that the present form of government was not for the good of the Indians and did not give them the rights which were due to them. He wrote this as early as 1848. He called for the establishment of a Parliament in India for which the wisest should be elected irrespective of caste or religion or whether they were foreign or indigenous. This was a bold proposal. M. G. Ranade never went so far. 

According to Mathew Lederley, ‘Lokhitwadi was not an utilitarian. He was not baffled therefore by the problem of how to reconcile in the utilitarian scheme, the clash of interest between Indians. The utilitarian tells the Indian to give up his interest, his ‘self regarding interest’ in Bentham’s words and to accept the assurance of his governors that in doing this he is following his true interest.

 

Views on economic matters

Lokhitwadi had acquired a varied experience in the course of his official duties in different parts of Maharashtra and a place like Ahmedabad which formed a part of Bombay Presidency. His rationalism inspired him to spot out inconsistencies, pretensions and absurdities. Just as he critically viewed the social condition of the Hindu society, he also turned his attention to the inequalities and injustices perpetuated by the nature and English officials in matters of taxes and levies. The excise on liquor gave the exchequer a substantial amount. Drinking was being encouraged so that more money could be available to the government. He condemned the attitude of the government to ruin the health of the people for filling the coffers of the government. He declared, ‘People are the mother of the government. If the government, disregarding the health of the people, would result in the poverty of the people the government finance would be adversely affected.

In 1894, he wrote, ‘History of Gujarat’. He added an appendix entitled, ‘Comparison of Governments’ (Rajyatulana). He compared the merits and demerits of the native and foreign rule. He concluded that in the British regime taxes, customs, excise duties and other charges were excessive as compared to the late government. It does little credit to the enlightened government of the East India Company that they have kept the rayat dissatisfied with their revenue policy. It would be better if this government would adopt welfare measures as the Marathas had done. He also denounced the policy of favoritism and distinctions followed in dealing with natives and European persons. In the course of his official duty, he came across many instances of Partisan spirit and economic injustice to the people of Maharashtra.

 

Swadeshi and boycott

Padhye and Tikekar would consider Lokhitwadi as a pioneer of the Swadesh and boycott movements of later years. While analyzing the poverty and unemployment in Maharashtra, he focused light on the dumping of goods by the Englishmen in our markets to the detriment of native merchants. Our people should resolve not to buy goods of other countries and buy only indigenous articles even though they may be of inferior quality. The cotton buyer should decide not to sell raw cotton to the foreigners and sell them only textile goods. He advised them to stop buying English goods and selling our finished goods. We should shun the foreign goods and patronize indigenous goods even if they might be coarse textiles. It is remarkable for Lokhitwadi to show the audacity to hurt the rulers at the most vulnerable points inspite of his being in the service of the English government. However the approach was amateurish.

Lokhitwadi respected Justice Ranade in more than one respect. Like Ranade, he considered social reform absolutely necessary for the political emancipation of India. Like Ranade, he regarded British rule in India as divinely ordained but he was not a blind admirer of the British rule. Both were students of economics and champions of swadeshi. Both advocated industrialization of the country. He was however, so very radical in his prescription of the method of achieving self government that he may be called the morning star of the National Movement of India.

THE RISING OF THE RAMOSIS AT POONA (1826-29)

The Ramosis served in the Maratha police administration in the lower ranks. After the final defeat of the Marathas in 1818, the British administration of the Bombay province found it difficult to restore order in the region immediately. The new administration was unable to absorb the Ramosis in the police administration. Consequently, a vast body of unemployed but assured men, included Ramosis, were thrown open – the former territories of the Peshwa. They were prepared to train anyone who would provide them suitable employment and even to help in the attempt to overthrow the British power.

In 1825, the economic distress resulting from scarcity and reduction in the number of soldiers in the local Poona garrison, adversely affected the Ramosis. Hence under the leadership of Umaji Naik and Bapu Trimbabji Sawant, they rose in revolt and restored to outlawry. From 1826 to 1829, they committed many excessed in the hills around the fort of Torna. They proved to be so turbulent that the government was forced to pardon many of their crimes and placated them by granting lands as well as recruiting them as hill police. However, their risings were quelled by the British garrison.

Nevertheless, the Ramosis continued to cause trouble to the authorities by attacking their oppressors like money lenders.

UMAJI NAIK

Leader, courageous man and patriot

Ramoshis are a predatory tribe that migrated from Telangana and settled down in Maharashtra during the Maratha period. Maratha rulers utilized their services in an effective manner. Important duties like night patrolling were entrusted to them. In the new British Raj, they were not ready to reconcile.

Umaji Naik was their leader, he had set up small principalities, small Vatandars. He gave harsh treatment to British officials and to the people who were loyal to them. Bhar and Kolhapur rulers were also supporting him. Some influential brahmins gave him necessary guidance.

In 1828, he demanded Watan rights from the British officials, if not, he threatened them that ‘thousand rebellions will arise’. Special police force were raised in Ahmednagar to check Umaji Naik. In 1829, he got 129 Bighan land and thus a trust came into force.

In 1830, there were fresh troubles. Mackintosh led on behalf of British (10^th December 1830). Umaji naik was captured. The British took the help of his sisters who were promised four villages, employing such treacherous means he was captured and hanged. He gave up his life for the country.

He was not a decoit or a plunderer. He kept Shivaji as his ideal. Bombay Gazetteer described him as ‘Second Shivaji’. He is a hero of several anecdotes in Maharashtra and is a legendary figure. Several literary marks of films are made on his Robinhood style of life.

DADOBA PANDURANG TARKHADKAR (1814-1882)

Dadoba Pandurang was associated with Bal Shastri Jambhekar when they studied together and lived at Bapu Chhatre’s house. He outlived Bal Shastri by 36 years. He acted as a link between the reformers of the early forties and was also associated with the reformers of the eighties. He was very much influenced by Ram Mohan Roy and other leaders of the Bramho Samaj. The movement that he started had however an origin and growth of its own.

Dadoba Pandurang was an educator. His grammar book acquired great popularity in Mahar. He was principal of Gujarati school at Surat, then a part of Bombay Presidency. There he was joined by Dayaram Mancuram, one of the teachers of that school in promoting social reforms.

They founded the Association of Religion of Manking (Manava-Dharma sabha) in 1844. In his book ‘Dharma Vivechana’ published in 1843 he had expressed his ideas about God and religion. The Association which was founded in 1844 practically borrowed its contents and formulated them as the tenets of the Association of the Religion of Mankind. The Association represented a universalism in religion and social life. This new religion was given a broad base of rationalism. This association could hardly survive after the departure of Dadoba from Surat in 1846.

Jamshedkar had already attempted to remove some absurd features and superstitious beliefs under the name of religion. Dadoba went one step ahead and wanted a rethinking on this very sensitive and vital subject of common interest.

Dadoba’s rationalism makes a special contribution to the thought of the western educated gentry in Bombay and the cities in Maharashtra. His campaigns against sorcerers and enchanters suggested that he considered it a duty of the educated people to clear the cobwebs of superstitions from the minds of the mass of people. The foundation of the ‘Paramhansa Sabha’ showed the way for others to follow. It was nor religion that was the chief concern of the Sabha but the rational attitude that was provoked in the public mind against unscientific ideas, was its chief objective.

There were quite a number of educated people entertaining ideas to reform Hinduism and save the society by eradication fo all sorts of defilement. Among those who held identical views on religions and social matters were Dadoba's younger brother Dr. Atmaram Pandurang Tarbhadkar, Ram Balkrishna Jaykar, Moroba Vinoba, Tukaram Tatya, Balubhau Shintre, Sakharam Shastri, Laxmanshastri Halve, Bhikoba Laxman and Sakharam Laxman Chavan were prominent. They regarded these two features of Hinduism as highly objectionable.

 

EXAMINE THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PRAYAG ASSEMBLY OF HARSHAVARDHAN'S TIME

Prayag was an important town where Harsha used to hold his quinquennial assemblies. It was one of the great nerve centers of Hinduism. The assemblies at Prayag, where he distributed all his wealth among the Buddhists, the Brahmans and the poor people, after performing religious rites of Buddhism and Hinduism, stand unparalleled in the history of the world.

After the conclusion of the special assembly at Kanauj, Harsha invited Hiuen Tsang to attend his sixth quinquennial assembly of distribution of alms (Mahamokshaparishad) and religious festivities at Prayag at the sacred confluence of the Ganges and the Yamuna in 643 A.D. Harsha had held five such assemblies earlier. On such occasions, he distributed among the poor and religious all the accumulated wealth. The assembly of 643 A.D. was attended by Dhruvasena II of Valabhi, Baskaravarman of Assam and several other subordinate kings and a huge crowd of 500,000, belonging to different religions. The assembly was opened with an impressive procession and the proceedings lasted for seventy-five days in the vast sandy plain between the rivers.

The proceedings at the Prayag assembly curiously manifested the eclectic blend of mind. On the first day the image of Buddha was set up in one of the temporary shrines built upon the sands and was worshipped with costly offerings and lavish distributions. On the second day the image of Adityadeva (Sun) was worshipped and on the third day the idol of Siva was adored. On the fourth day, generous gifts were distributed to ten thousand select Buddhist monks. Each received one hundred gold coins, a pearl, a cotton garment, besides food, drink, flowers and perfumes. During the next twenty days the Brahmins received royal gifts. Jains and members of other sects were similarly given gifts for the next ten days. They were followed by mendicants for equal number of days. It took a month to distribute alms to the poor, destitute and orphans. This generous and lavish distribution exhausted Harsha’s accumulated wealth for the last five years. Finally, Harsha even gave up his personal belongings. At the end of the assembly, Harsha offered worship to the Buddha of the ten regions. Shortly after the end of this spectacular Prayag assembly Hiuen Tsang took leave of Harsha and returned to China with 657 volumes of rare manuscripts.  

EXAMINE THE EFFECTS OF ALEXANDERS INVASION

EFFECTS OF ALEXANDERS INVASION (REF: B. N. LUNIA)

Alexander’s invasion did not create any impression on the minds of the Indians as it was confined to the western part of India. His expedition at best remained a mere raid on frontier provinces. Though he annexed Gandhara and the Indus Valley to the Macedonian Empire, they soon became independent and all traces of the short-lived Greek rule disappeared from India within two years of Alexander’s death. There is, therefore, little wonder if Indians ignored Alexander’s expedition. He came like a hurricane, stayed in India for nineteen months and departed from India leaving the heart of the country untouched.

For Indians he was a mere invader who disturbed the peace of a part of the country for some time and went away, eclipsing Chengiz Khan and Timur in committing atrocities and shedding considerable blood. Viewed from the broader stand-point, Alexander’s invasion, therefore, could have no importance. It was a mere raid that did not attract even the attention of the Indian writers.

Then, judging his generalship from the events in India, Alexander does not appear to be an outstanding figure and distinguished military genius. All that he achieved in India was a hard fought victory over Porus – a king of a petty state in Punjab, and that too, with the help of an Indian king, Ambhi, a bitter enemy of Porus and one who had betrayed the nation by unhinging the doors of India to a foreigner. In fact, it was a victory of a great general over a petty chief in a distant corner of India. His defeat did not affect the rest of India, much less was it a triumph of the West over the East.

But it seems that if the Indians have underestimated the importance of Alexander’s expedition, the Greeks have equally exaggerated it. The Greek writers like Arrian Curtius, etc., have exaggerated the significance of the event by devoting page after page to its description. They have taken pains to describe his campaigns and conquests in minutest details. To them Alexander was one of the greatest conquerors of the world.

However, it is wrong for the Indians to ignore Alexander’s invasion completely. It had direct and immediate result on the course of Indian History.

1. By seriously crippling the number of small warring kingdoms and tribes that abounded in the Punjab and Sind, Alexander paved the way for Chandragupta to give to the north-west India a political unity and make it a strong integral portion of the empire of Magadha. Thus, if Mahapadmananda was the predecessor of Chandragupta Maurya in the east, Alexander was the fore-runner of that Empire in the West.

2. Though the Punjab and Sind began to enjoy the blessings of a unified rule as the direct and immediate result of Alexander’s invasion, the Indians ignored the superiority of the Greek art of warfare. The Indian rulers and their military captains seem to have paid no heed to the Greek mode of warfare. They stuck to their traditional methods of fighting and continued for centuries to place their chief reliance on their elephant brigades.

3. But there is one historical gain in the date of Alexander’s invasion i.e., 326 B. C. The clearly dated records of Alexander’s Indian campaign left by his companions helped to build Indian chronology for subsequent political events on a definite basis. The date of Alexander’s invasion, in fact, forms the sheet anchor of Indian chronology.

In addition to this, the invasion brought in India a number of Greeks of eminence, who wrote the accounts of that time, and they have become important source of early Indian history. The original works of these Greek writers are lost, but quotations taken from them by latter writers are available today and it is from these fragments that we get a detailed picture of the political, social and religious conditions of India at that time.

4. Some historians think that Alexander’s campaign resulted in the opening up of new lines of communication and new routes for trade and maritime enterprise, which brought India and the West into closer contact with each other, facilitating cultural exchange between them.

Strabo points out that the Oxus (Amu Daria) joined a link in an important chain along which the Indian goods were carried to the European countries by way of the Caspian and the Black Sea. Patroclus, an admiral in the service of Antiochus I, the successor of Seleucus Nikator, also remarked that the route was a popular one in the third century B.C. Evidence of a brisk trade with India is also furnished by the coins of Greek models minted in Babylon and found in large numbers in the frontier province of India.

5. in addition to the above effects, the following distinct cultural effects of Alexander’s campaign must also be noted. The Greek kingdoms in Syria, Bactria and other parts of Asia which had been established on the disruption of Alexander’s Empire, produced, in the course of time, close cultural contact between India and Europe. It was this contact with these Indo Greek or Indo Bactrian kings that was responsible for the improvement of the Indian coinage. The coins of the Indo Greek rulers which were discovered in Taxila replace the older Indian Punch marked and ill shaped ones and the subsequent coins of India were cast on well shaped Greek models.

Another result of the contact, it is said, is that the system of Indian astronomy is largely influenced by the Hellenic system.

Again, during the reign of the great emperor Kanishka, Bactria formed a part of his empire. He invited, it is said, many Greeco-Bactrian sculptors to Gandhara for making images of the Buddha and Boddhisattvas. They blended the Greek and the Indian Art in image making. This led to the growth of a new type of sculpture, known as the Gandhara School of Art. It is another distant and distinct effect of Alexander’s campaign.

As regards to the Greeks, they learned a good deal of sciences, arts, philosophy, mathematics and medicine from India during the period of this contact. Indian philosophy greatly influenced Greek thought and culture. A host of Indians went to Greece and Asia minor and there the ideas of the East might have percolated. It has been also suggested that after the formation of the Greek kingdom in the northwest of India, Indian philosophy affected even Christianity.

WHAT LED TO THE DOWNFALL OF THE MAURYAN EMPIRE? WAS ASHOKA RESPONSIBLE FOR IT?

The causes for the downfall of the Mauryan Empire (Mauryan Empire broke up 50 years after the death of Ashoka 232 B.C.)

There is something almost dramatic in the way in which the Mauryan Empire declined and disappeared after the death of Ashoka. The decline was complete within half a century after the death of Ashoka. The reasons given by historians for such a rapid decline are as conflicting as they are confusing. Some of the very obvious and other controversial causes for the decline of the Mauryan empire are described as follows:

1. The partition of the Mauryan Empire – An immediate cause for the decline was the partition of the Mauryan Empire into two halves. ‘Had the partition not taken place, the Greek invasions of the north-west could have been held back for a while. The partition of the empire disrupted the various services as well’.

2. Weak later Mauryan rulers – The succession of weak Mauryan rulers after Ashoka completely disrupted the Mauryan Administration. The weakness of these rulers can be imagined from the fact that as many as six rulers could rule only 52 years over the Eastern part of the Empire and finally the last Mauryan King was assassinated by his own commander-in-chief Pusyamitra Sunga. These weak late Mauryan rulers could also not continue the traditional policies of the Mauryas.

3. Ashokas responsibility for the decline – Many scholars have accused Ashoka as being directly responsible for the decline of the Mauryan Empire. H. C. Raychaudhari maintains that Ashoka’s pacifist policies were responsible for undermining the strength of the empire. He says, ‘From the time of Bimbisara to Kalinga War the History of India the story of the expansion of Magadh form a tiny state in South Bihar to a gigantic empire extending from the foot of the Hindukush to the borders of the Tamil country. After the Kalinga war ensued a period of stagnation at the end of which the process is reversed. The Empire gradually dwindled down in extent till it sank to the position from which Bimbisara and his successors had raised it’. However, Raychaudhuri’s view does not seem to be tenable because Ashoka did not turn complete pacifist after the Kaling War in view of the fact that he neither demobilized the Mauryan army nor abolished capital punishment. Ashoka only gave up the imperialist policy and preached non violence after the Kalinga War. Such practical Pacifism could not have been responsible for the decline of the Mauryan Empire.

Harprasad Shastri holds the view that the decline of the Mauryan Empire was the result of the Brahmanical revolt on account of ban on animal sacrifices and undermining the prestige of the Brahmanas by ‘exposing them as false gods’. But Shastri’s views are merely hypothetical because first, Brahminism itself stresses nonviolence and secondly, Ashoka only banned the unnecessary slaughter of certain animals on certain auspicious days. Then again Ashoka’s frequent requests in his edicts for due respect to Brahmanas and Sramanas hardly points to his being anti Brahmanical in outlook.

4. Pressure on Mauryan Economy – D. D. Kosambi has expressed the opinion that there was considerable pressure on Mauryan economy under the later Mauryas. This view is based on the increase of taxes of taxes and debasement of later Mauryan punch marked coins. But contrary to the above, the foreign accounts and the material remains of the period give a picture of an expanding economy.

5. Highly centralized administration – Prof. Romila Thapar is of the view ‘The machinery of the Mauryan administrative system was so centralized the an able ruler could use it both to his own advantage and that of his people. To the same degree it could become harmful to both under a weak ruler who would lose its central control and allow forces of decay to disintegrate and wreck it. The weakening of the central control under the later Mauryas led automatically to a weakening of the administration. The division of the Mauryan empire after the death of Ashoka must have given further blow to the centralized Mauryan administration under the weak later-Mauryan rulers, leading to the decline and disintegration of the Mauryan Empire.

Other factors of importance contributing to the decline of the Mauryan empire have been described as Brahmanical revolt against the pro Buddhist policies of Ashoka and his successors, oppressive provincial governments and people’s revolt against Mauryan oppression, lack of representative institutions and national unity in Mauryan India. But except for the first two causes – Ashokas weak successors and division of the Mauryan Empire after Ashoka’s death – the other causes described above have weaknesses in their argument and therefore, cannot be called as positively responsible for the decline of the Mauryan Empire.

‘DECCAN PROVED THE ULCER FOR AURANGZEB’? DISCUSS

 

DO YOU AGREE WITH THE VIEW THAT ‘DECCAN PROVED THE ULCER FOR AURANGZEB’? DISCUSS

During the first half of Aurangzeb’s reign his attention was engrossed with affairs in the north, and the Deccan was left to the viceroys. The decadent southern Sultanates had not been able to recover fully from the blows that had been inflicted on them, and the Marathas rose at their expense. The rise of the Marathas, as a sort of challenge to the Mughal Empire, complicated the political situation in the Deccan, the full significance of which the Emperor could not realize at first. During the first 24 years of his reign his viceroys in the Deccan could achieve no definite success either against the Sultanates or against the Marathas.

The death of Shivaji in 1680 in no way improved the imperial position in the Deccan, not withstanding Aurangzeb’s determination to consolidate his supremacy. The flight of the rebellious Prince Akbar to the Maratha King Shambhuji, and the alliance between the disturber of India and the infernal father, as Aurangzeb called these two, brought a complete change in his policy towards the Deccan. Having now realized the necessity of marching there in person to check this menace to imperial interests he patched up a peace with Mewar in June 1681. Leaving Ajmer for the Deccan on 8^th September 1681, he arrived at Burhanpur on 23^rd November 1681 and at Ahmednagar on 1^st April 1682. His mind must have been full of high hopes and he could not foresee that destiny was dragging him to the south to dig the graves of himself and his empire. The first four years were spent in unsuccessful attempts to seize Prince Akbar and in rather disastrous campaigns against the Marathas.

The conquest of the decayed Sultanates next engaged the Emperor’s attention. Aurangzeb’s attitudes towards the Shiah Sultanates of the Deccan was influenced partly by imperial interests and partly by religious considerations. Bijapur, weakened by party factions and the rise of the Marathas, submitted to the invaders. The Emperor himself went on the last Mughal siege of the city.

According to writers like Elphinstone and Smith, the annihilation of the Southern Sultanates was an impolitic step of the part of Aurangzeb. They hold that it freed the Maratha chiefs from any fear of local rivalry, which the Mughal Emperor might have utilized to his advantage against he Marathas. But it is doubtful in any sincere alliance between the Sultanates and the aggressor, the Mughal Emperor was possible and also if they could check the rise of the Marathas. As Sir J. N. Sarkar observes, ‘since Akbar had crossed the Vindhyas, the Deccan Sultanates could never forget that the sleepless aim of the Mughal Emperors was the final extinction and annexation of all their territories’. He also points out that it would have been impossible for the decadent Sultanates to check the Marathas effectively as they had already organized themselves into a progressive national state.

Having achieved one of the two objects of his Deccan policy, i.e., the annexation of the decadent Sultanates of the Deccan, Aurangzeb turned towards the other, i.e., suppression of the renascent Maratha power. His attempts were at first crowned with success. Shambhuji was executed on the 11^th of March 1689, his capital Rajgarh was captured and though his brother Rajaram, escaped, the rest of his family, including his younger son Shahu were made prisoners. In the course of the next few years the Emperor extended his conquests further South and levied tribute on the Hindu states of Tanjore and Trichinopoly.

In fact by the year 1690 Aurangzeb had already reached the zenith of his power and was the lord paramount of almost the whole of India – from Kabul to Chittagong and from Kashmir to Kaveri. ‘All seemed to have been gained by Aurangzeb now; but in reality all was lost. It was the beginning of his end. The saddest and most hopeless chapter of his life was now opened. The Mughal empire had become too large to be governed by one man or from one center… His enemies rose on all sides; he could defeat but not crush them forever… Lawlessness was reigned in many places of Northern and Central India. The old emperor in the far off Deccan lost all control over his officers in Hindustan, and the administration grew slack and corrupt; chiefs and zamindars defied the local authorities and asserted themselves, filling the country with tumult. In the province of Agra in particular, there was chronic disorder. Art and learning decayed at the withdrawl of imperial patronage; not a single edifice, finely written manuscript, or exquisite picture, commemorates Aurangzeb’s reign. The endless war in the Deccan exhausted his treasury; the government turned bankrupt, the soldiers, starving from arrears of pay, mutinied; and during the closing years of his reign the revenue of Bengal, regularly sent by the able Diwan Murshid Quli Khan, was the sole support of the Emperor’s household or his army, and the arrival was eagerly looked forward to. Napoleon I used to say, ‘It was the Spanish ulcer which ruined me’. The Deccan ulcer ruined Aurangzeb. The Emperor failed to subjugate the Marathas or conquer their land. They recovered by 1691 and carried on a war of national resistance against the Mughals, first under Rajaram and some other Maratha chiefs and then after Rajaram’s death in 1700, under his brave widow Tarabai.

 

 

CONCEPT OF ASHOKAS DHAMMA

ASHOKAS DHAMMA

After the Kalinga War, the greatest ideal and objective before Ashoka was the propagation of Dhamma for the fulfillment of which he worked relentlessly. The Dhamma as explained in Ashoka’s edicts is not a religion or religious system, but a ‘Moral Law’, ‘a common code of conduct’ or an ‘Ethical Order’, which is a common meeting ground of all religions.

Ashoka explaining what is dhamma, enumerates two basic attributes or constituents of Dhamma: less evils or sins (ap ansinave) and many good deeds (bahu Kayane). He enumerates the Asinavas or sin, such as rage or fury, cruelty, anger, pride and envy, which are to be avoided and many good deeds (bahu kayane) - kindness, liberality, truthfulness, gentleness, self-control, purity of heart, attachment to morality, inner and outer purity etc., - which are to be pursued vigourously. The two attributes constitute the ‘Doctrinal’ or negative and positive aspects of Ashokas dhamma.

The Code of Duties / Practical Dhamma

1. Obedience to mother and father, elders, teachers and other respectful persons.

2. Respect towards teachers

3. Proper treatment towards ascetics, both Brahmanas and Sramanas, relations, slaves, servants and dependents, the poor and miserable, friends, acquaintances and companions.

4. Liberality towards ascetics, friends, comrades, relatives and the aged.

5. Abstention from killing of living beings.

6. Non injury to all living creatures.

7. Moderation in spending and saving.

8. Mildness in case of all living creatures.

9. Truthfulness

10. Purity of heart.

The Dhamma of Edicts is not merely a guide to action. It is distinguished by several characteristic doctrines and philosophical positions, bringing out the originality of Ashoka’s ideas of moral reform. Toleration was insisted on as an absolute duty in a multi religious country like India. Ashoka tried to instill moral law (Dhamma) as the governing principle and force in every sphere of life and to spiritualize politics and all human activities. The Dhamma thus presented in these Edicts is but another name for the moral or virtuous life and takes its stand upon the common meeting ground of all religions. It is not sectarian in any sense, but is completely cosmopolitan, capable of universal application and acceptance as essence of all religions. Thus, he laid the basis of a universal religion and was probably the first to do so in history.

After the Kalinga War, Ashoka considered the Dhamma Vijaya, the victory based on piety and morality, as the real victory. In Pillar Edict I, he sums up his intentions by saying that he wants the maintenance, governance, happiness and protection of the people to be regulated by Dhamma. He further stressed the paternal concept of monarchy ‘All men are my children, and just as I desire for my children that they obtain welfare and happiness, both in this world and the next, so do I desire the same for all men’.

Ashoka’s dhamma was intended to strengthen social solidarity or social relationships, whether between parents and children, elders and young friends or various ideological sects. It was included as an ethical concept related to the individual in the context of his society.

Measures for the propagation of Dhamma

Ashoka took a number of measures for the propagation of Dhamma throughout his Empire. He adopted the doctrines of Dhamma as a governing principle of his personal life and public policies. Some of the significant measures were:

1. Issue of Dhamma lipis and Dhamma stambhas respectively in the form of Rock and Pillar Edicts describing the attributes of Dhamma

2. Appointment of Dhamma mahamatras.

3. Dhamma – Yatras, royal tours for the propagation of Dhamma.

4. Dhamma-mangala public welfare activities in accordance with the spirit of Dhamma.

5. Preaching of Dhamma by regulations and persuasions.

6. Administrative measures suited to the principles of Dhamma.