INDIAN POPULAR CINEMA & CULTURAL CHANGE

   Indian Popular Cinema – A narrative of Cultural Change by K.M. Gokulsing and Dimal Dissanayake

Cinema not only reflects culture, it also shapes culture. When we consider Indian films, we see how they have promoted modernization, westernization, urbanization, new ways of life, a sense of pan-Indianism, secularization, the emancipation of women and the rights of minorities and in particular the relationship between Hindus and Muslims. Even in aspects such as fashion and dress, films, aided by such film magazines and fanzines as Cineblitz, Stardust, Filmfare, Movie, have played a central role in Indian society and have generated discussions and influenced public opinion on issues like drugs and violence.

India is the largest film-producing country int eh world, producing over 900 films annually. India has a cinema going population of 65 million per week, though the cinemas number about 13,000 of which 6,500 are permanent and the rest touring. This works out to seven seats per thousand of the population, a very low rate compared to other large countries. Half of the theatres are in the South.

Film budgets range between 3 crores and 6 lakhs. A moderately successful film earns much more than it costs. Various outlets which have recently opened up have created new avenues for revenue like the video market at home and overseas, audio rightly telecast on DD and various satellite TV channels.

Historical development of Indian Cinema

Indian Cinema like most other cinemas, evolved over time, responding to various social, cultural and political contexts and challenges. In order to understand its distinctiveness, we have to examine the changes in theme and style over the nine decades as its existence.

The beginnings: Only a few months after the Lumiere Brothers introduced the art of cinematography in Paris in 1895, Cinema made its presence felt in India. The first Indian film show was held on 7 July 1896, and the Times of India glowingly referred to it as the miracle of the century. Westerners who were quick to realize the value of India as a site of filmmaking both because of its natural beauty and its exotic culture, were inspired to make films that used Indian scenery and culture – such as Coconut Fair (1897), Our Indian Empire (1897), A Panorama of Indian Scenes and Procession (1898) and Poona Races’98 (1898).

Indians soon entered the domain of filmmaking. The first Indian to make a film was Harishchandra S. Bhatvadekhar, popularly known as Save Dada. His first film ‘The Wrestlers’ was produced in 1899. Next was F. B. Thanawala, who made his debut in 1900.

In 1901, Hiralal Sen made his mark as a film producer with a deep interest in Indian History and Mythology. J. K. Madan (1905) went on to establish the Elphinstone Bioscope Company. Madan Theatre exercised great influence both inside India and outside. Madan built a vast empire on the lines of Hollywood and also imported foreign actresses to act in Indian Mythological and folk tales, as Indian women were hesitant to expose themselves to the gaze of the film camera.

By now Indian audiences were increasingly being exposed to Western films.

Although Pundalik was the first feature film to be made by an Indian, it was show by an Englishman and never shown as an independent film (1912, by R.G. Donny).

The honor of making the first Indian feature film by an Indian goes to Dhundiraj Govind Phalke. His 50 minute film Raja Harishchandra, released 3 May 1913 was totally Indian in terms of product and was shown as an independent and self-contained work in its own right. It was instantly successful, due partly to the splendid effects he created and still maintains its mass appeal.

In 1917, the first feature film was made in the South, Keechaka Vadham, based on the Mahabharata. By 1920, i.e., 7 years after the first feature film was produced, Indian cinema appeared to be established on secular foundations – 18 feature films were produced in 1920, 40 in 1921 and 80 in 1925. As cinema began to grow, a number of gifted film directors made their debut, among them, Suchat Singh, Duiren Ganguli, Himansu Rai and V. Shantaram.

A good many films made during this initial period were greatly inspired by the two celebrated epics – the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Many of the Directors sought to invest their mythological narratives with a clear social message relevant to contemporary society. The film makers associated with this phase int eh growth of Indian Cinema were Janus-faced. They looked back to reconnect with tradition, at the same time they sought the innovations of Hollywood.

One can legitimately say that the mythological film narration the actions of Gods and Goddesses is a unique product of Indian Cinema and in the way that the Western is of Hollywood. This genre is informed by a powerful moral imagination in which good triumphs over evil, so reinforcing the moral order, apart from its own characteristic heroes and villains and immediately recognizable costumes and settings.

Raja Harishchandra 3,700 feet in length was presented was a milestone in the History of Indian Cinema. It travelled to Surat, Poona, Calcutta and even to Rangoon. The single print of the film proved to be a fortune-spinner, suggesting the commercial viability of film, and providing an index for audience response.

Phalke’s most notable contribution was laying down the operative norms of Indian films which ensures for him the title of ‘the Father of Indian Cinema’.  (Kishore Valecha)

 

REFLECTIONS ON INDIAN CINEMA

Reflections on Indian Cinema – ed. Aruna Vasudev

It is said that the inspiration for Phalke came when he was watching the imported film – Life of Christ on Easter Sunday of 1911.

While struggling to familiarize himself with the intricacies of the operation of his imported camera, Phalke exposed single frames of a seed sprouting to a growing plant, show once a day, over a month – thus inadvertently introducing the concept of ‘time-lapse photography’ which resulted in the first indigenous instructional film – The Birth of a Pea Plant (1912). This Swadeshi Film came very handy in getting the financial backing to his first film venture.

Phalke fixed up a studio in Dadar Main Road, wrote the scenario, erected the sets and started actual shooting in the summer of 1912 and the film was released at the Coronation Cinema on 21^st April 1913 for special invitees and members of the press.

The films treatment is episodic, following the style of the Indian folk theatre and the primitive novel. The film has title cards in Hindi and English. Most of the camera set ups are static, with plenty of movements within the frame. The palace sets are so well designed and mounted that the visual impact is as striking and pleasing as the sets seen in latter-day films.

The bath tub sequence where Harishchandra comes to call his wife Taramati is indeed the finest bath-tub scene in Indian cinema. Only a fertile mind as that of Phalke could have incorporated such a sensuous scene in what is primarily a ‘religious subject’.

Phalke’s one-reel shot – ‘How Films are Prepared’ (1913) – a film record on the making of Raja Harishchandra – a study film designed to inform the audiences of the various technical aspects of filmmaking as an eloquent testimony to the vision of a man, a creative genius, who believed in the role of cinema to entertain inform and educate.

It is not just an accident that the first Indian film happened to be a ‘mythological’. Phalke, came from an orthodox Hindu household, a family of priests. It was natural for the Indian film pioneer to turn to his own ancient epics and puranas for source material. Moreover, the plot was very much close to the heart of each and every Indian. Another factor could be the intense religious ethos in the performing arts in the country.

The phenomenal success of Raja Harishchandra was kept up by Phalke with a series of mythologicals – Mohini Bhasmasur (1914), significant for introducing the first woman to act before the cameras – Kamalabai Gokhale.

The significant titles that followed included – Satyawan Savitri (1914), Lanka Dahan (1917), Sri Krishna Janma (1918) and Kaliya Mardan (1919).

Phalke winds up S. K. Janma with a talented presentation of devotees of different castes. Bing a nationalist, he was contributing to the patriotic cause by raising an entertainment medium like cinema to motivate people to higher values and tried to emphasize on the equality of mass. The opening section of Kaliya Mardan gives one the impression that the screen test Phalke took of his daughter Mandakini has been inadvertently added to the main film. However, this seems to be a very conscious decision, instead of another short film explaining the do’s and don’ts of action before a movie camera and a novel method of introducing his daughter to the audience.

To Phalke, God’s land is no different from man. Gods; are like ordinary people, picturized against familiar backdrops, behaving in a natural manner rather than imaginary, heavily made-up character coming out of fantasy world. There is no attempt to make them supernatural or larger than life.

‘Phalke films’ is the name of the company which Phalke started initially to realize his ambition of turning filmmaker. It was more of a cottage enterprise with borrowed money, personal mortgage and helped by well-wishers like Trymbak Telang. The first five films were made under this banner. Later he started another outfit as a corporate partnership in 1918 – Hindustan Film Company. Out of the 93 films made under the Hindustan banner, Phalke contributed over 40 films – all silent.

Kolhapur in Western Maharashtra was another centre of active film production in the 20’s, and the man who spearheaded here was Baburao K. Mistry – popularly known as Baburao Painter. In 1919, he formed the Maharashtra Film Co. because of his special interest in sets, costume design ad painting, he chose episodes from Maratha history for the new medium. His ‘historicals’ had a contemporary relevance to the people of a nation, who were fighting for liberation from a colonial oppressor.

Dhiren Ganguly’s – England Returned (1921) was presumably the first social satire on Indians obsessed with Western values and with that another genre of Indian cinema known as ‘the contemporary social’ slowly emerged. In Baburao Painter’s ‘Sarkari Pash’ (1925) an attempt was made at realistic treatment of the Indian peasant, exploited by the greedy moneylender. V. Sharma who started his career under Painter got his break as the ‘young peasant’ in this film.

Co productions:

Bengal born theatre enthusiast Himansu and playwright Niranjan Pal set up a partnership Pal got the German company Emelka to buy the European distribution rights and to contribute technical crew. Great Eastern Film Corporation invested in one third of the production. Thus, was made ‘The Light of Asia’(1925) directed by Franz Osten – the first significant international co-production. The Maharaja of Jaipur helped the making of this film, which was a travel film of India.

The Himansu Rai and Franz Osten team repeated the co-production exercise in ‘Shiraz’ (1928) based on the story of the Taj Mahal and the ‘Throne of Dice’ (1930) inspired by The Mahabharata.

Marthanda Varma (1931) got into a legal tangle and was withdrawn after the premiere.

Government and Cinema

Government’s first intervention in the Cinema industry took place in 1918 when appalled by the deplorable conditions in which the public were watching films and also the indiscriminate growth of crime and sex especially in imported films, it passed the Indian Cinematograph bet, which made compulsory the licensing of cinemas and introduced censorship of films.

Soon following the idea of a bureaucrat, West Bengal entertainment tax was started in 1927.

In 1928, the Indian Cinematograph Committee was set up under the Chairmanship of Diwan Bahadur T. Rangachariar. Being a true nationalist, he used the opportunity to study the condition of the Indian Film Industry and suggested ways and means for its improvement. The Committee launched a major investigation resulting in the one volume – ‘Report of the Indian Cinematograph’ and five volumes of ‘Evidence’ – a rich storehouse of information on the first two decades of Indian cinema. The ICC report unfortunately disappeared into the dusty corridors of bureaucracy.

According to the censor records available with the National Film Archives of India (NFAI) since 18, a total of 1268 silent features have been made in this country. Unfortunately, most of them finished long long ago. The NFAI could preserve only 10 or 12 titles and the majority of them are incomplete. It is a pity neither the filmmakers nor the authorities concerned took the trouble of preserving the country’s silent cinema heritage.

Phalke and his contemporaries were conscious of the immense potentialities of the new medium of cinema, not only as a vehicle for escapist entertainment, but also for purposes of education, information and motivation. Practically every film company of the silent era saw the necessity of diverting part of their resources for recording the Indian actuality of people, events and places. They deemed it their moral responsibility to show this to paying audiences side by side with their pictorial entertainment.

It is rather ironic that a film making process which grew out of such enlightened consciousness came to be looked down upon with suspicion when the national government got installed – so much so that they took it for granted that only a government agency could fulfill the task of production and distribution of news sheets and documentaries.

It is helpful to the understanding of Indian Cinema to analyze six forces that have had a profound impact on its growth.

1.       The Epics – The Ramayana and The Mahabharata – Their influence can be analysed at four levels, themes narrative, ideology and communication. The very first Indian film, Raja Harishchandra (1913) was based on the Ramayana. In addition, certain topics associated with motherhood, patrimony and revenge, for e.g., in films such as Mother India (1957), Awaara (1951), Zanjeer (1947) are directly traced to these epics.

The narrative structure in terms of the art of story telling in Indian films with plots show the influence of the epics.

Indian popular cinema is / has been committed to the maintenance of the status quo in terms of ideology and it legitimizes its own existence by subscribing to these two epics.

Being at the core of Indian culture, the epics found articulation in a variety of ways and forms. Indian popular cinema with its basic text can be understood in relation to these diverse performances of the epics.

 

2.       Classical Indian Theatre: Sanskrit plays were highly spectacular dance – dramas as opposed to the tightly – organized realistic plays of the West. Classical theatre exercised a formative influence on the sensibility of Indian filmmakers and one can find similar traits in both.

 

3.       Folk Theatre – The Yatra of Bengal, Ramleela and Krishna Lila of Uttar Pradesh, Tamasha of Maharashtra, Nautanki of Rajasthan, Bhavai of Gujarat, Terukkutta of Tamilnadu, Vithinatakam of Andhra and Yakshagana of Karnataka are perhaps the most prominent regional folk dramas. In the use of song and dance, humor, the structure of narrative, the informing melodramatic imagination, these folk plays had far reaching impact on the sensibility of Indian popular film makers.

 

4.       Parsi Theatre: During the nineteenth century, the Parsis, who had gained a wide reputation as talented playwrights and skillful technicians, influenced the theatre of both north and south India. The Parsi Theatre drew upon both Western and Indian forms of entertainment, constituted an effort to appeal to the lowest common denominator. These plays bear a strong resemblance to the generality of Indian films of the popular type. A close analysis would bring to light the remarkable similarities in terms of themes, narratives, generation of emotion and styles of presentation. Indeed, one of the greatest Indian filmmakers was the Parsi Sohrab Modi, whose Jhansi ki Rani was India’s first technicolor film.

 

5.       Hollywood: Indian filmmakers were fascinated by the technical inventiveness of their Hollywood counterparts and tried to emulate them. The glamour of the stage system and the commercial advantageousness of the studio system were quickly adopted.

On many occasions, story lines, characters and sequences were lifted bodily from Hollywood. For instance, Raj Kapoor succeeded in indigenizing Chaplin in a way that would attract a vast mass of film goers.

Although, Indian filmmakers drew heavily upon Hollywood musicals, there are points of difference between the two forms of mass entertainment. Hollywood maintained the façade of reality by legitimizing the singing and dancing; whereas Indian filmmakers created the impression that songs and dances are the natural and logical mode of expression of emotions in a given situation.

 

6.       Music Television (MTV): The impact of MTV is very evident in Indian popular films made in the late 1980s and 1990s. The pace of the films, the quick cutting dance sequences, camera angles that one associates with modern music television find clear analogies in modern Indian films. For e.g. in the work of filmmaker Mani Ratnam.

 

INDIAN CINEMA & GOVT

 Moving Image – A Study of Indian Cinema – by Kishore Valecha

The importance of Phalke lies in the fact that he used purely Indian themes in his films and they had an immediate religious and emotional meaning for his audiences. The greatest appeal of the film for Indian audiences lay for a long time in a sense of wonder and in religious sentiment.

In many ways, the mythological story seems quite appropriate to the early silent films. The stories were sufficiently known and the absence of sound hardly made much difference. They captivated audiences not only by their religious meaning, but also by the scope for miraculous and spectacular elements. Audiences literally prostrated themselves when Rama appeared on the screen in ‘LankaDahan’.

Besides the mythological, two other kinds of films made their appearance. These were the hisotricals and the silent films.

The stunt film was born with the Imperial Film Co. when Ardeshir Irani made a thriller called ‘Wild Cats of Bombay’ in 1928. The actress Sulochana, played the key role in this film, a kind of female Robin hood.

The trend towards a purely Indian kind of film was reinforced by the new nationalistic spirit that appeared ‘Socialist’ movement of the time.

The other model for the Indian filmmakers was Hollywood cinema. From 1918 onwards to this day, the chief distribution system has dominated the success of film imports in India. The foreign film on the Indian screen has always been Hollywood made.

At the same time, it is interesting to compare the genesis of the Indian film with the European, where the earliest subjects tended to be secular and common place.

 

Government of Cinema / The economics – by KMG and Wo

By the time of the second world war, the film had a look of solidarity and self-respect and among the Indian industries, cinema occupied the eighth place in the early 40s.

World War II created a boom in the film which provided fertile ground for people. This led to the decline of the studio system, where the crew were employees; and the rise of the state system, with stars becoming free-lance artists who performed in more than one film at a time. consequently, the star, the music director, and the playback singer became the beneficiaries of the new order.

In 1960 the government establishment the Film Federal Corporation (FFC) and in the mid 1960s an information system of channelization of films through the State Corporation was introduced. Subsequently, the NFDC, the National Film Division Corporation replaced FFC, till 1992.

The governments casual approach to the film industry is evident from the fact that there are no radical data on the film industry in India. Very little has been carried out specially about the economic entertainment.

The Indian film business has never been office considered an industry, so raising money from film institution has always been problematic. This comes with the high rate of failures at the box office, making film financing very risky. It has been a very light time and gain that finance for films can largely come from a parallel economy lying outside sectors.

Movie moghuls of the earlier times however in the studio system; J. F. Madhan of Elphinstone Company, Chandulal Shah of Rajit Moviestone, B. N. Sircar, Devaki Bose, P. C. Barua, Nitin Bose of New Theatres, Daulat Fatehlal and Shantaram of Prabhat Studio and Himansu Rai of Bombay Talkies are some yester year movie moghuls.

INDIAN POPULAR CINEMA

Indian Popular Cinema by Gohilsingh and Wimal Dissanayaki

A distinction needs to be drawn between the ‘popular’ and the ‘artistic’ traditions of filmmaking in India. Popular films are the films seen and appreciated by the mass of Indian movie goers. They are largely melodramatic, often musicals, conveying simple clear and moral messages. The artistic films which constitute only about 10% of the total output are realistic, often inspired by neo-realism and seek to capture a picture of Indian reality.

Thus, there are very clear differences in terms of theme, style and technique between the two streams of filmmaking in India.

Indian popular cinema constitutes a distinctively Indian form of mass entertainment. It has an incredible psychological hold on its audience, providing reinforcement for deep seated beliefs in the Indian psyche.

The Hindi film has been variously described as a glamor factory, mass, status quo, commercial formula and traditional films. The popular film is very much a consumer-oriented product.

There are a number of genres associated with Indian popular cinema. Most significant are

-       Mythological films – with fantastic narrations of ancient stories

-       Devotional films

-       Romantic films – dealing with erotic passion versus social conventions

-       Stunt films – focusing on actions and physicality

-       Historical films – With fanciful stage setting and costumes

-       Social films – that explore important social problems

-       Family melodramas – that seek to explore tensions within the family matrix

There is nothing specifically Indian about these genres. What is distinctive is the way in which these have been handled by Indian filmmakers.

Whatever the genre may be, all Indian popular films display a culturally grounded engagement with modernity.

Mythological Cinema – They are not merely historical; they portray the interface between the past and present. The idea of femineity as represented by Sita, and the aspects of villainy as represented in the image of Ravana are not confined to stories depicting episodes from the Ramayana but can also be found in films dealing with modern experiences like kartavya.

Devotional Films – One of the best films in this genre is Sant Tukaram (1936), directed by V. Damle and S. Fatehlal, which became the first Indian film to win an award at the Venice Film Festival.

What is distinctive about Social Dramas is that social issues are treated with a characteristically Indian flavor. Achut Kanya (1936) is an early exploration of an important social issue that had been highlighted by leaders such as Gandhi and Nehru.

More recently, Bombay (1995), Mani Ratnam’s Film, generated interest for exploring a highly social issue relations between Hindus and Muslims.

Erotic / Romantic Genre – Unlike the Western films, overt sexuality is prohibited in Indian films, so much is conveyed through suggestion. Songs and dances play a crucial role, eroticism being closely linked with them. They regard reconnecting such films with ‘laila-majnu’, ‘Radha-Krishna’ traditions is important. The devotion fo the woman to the man, marital forms, loving secretly but without guilt are important aspects of this tradition. E.g. Barsaat (1949)

Characterization – Apart from the hero, heroine, villain, commonly found in most other popular cinema, Indian cinema there are a few characters who distinctly Indian in outlook.

The figure of the mother is the most important. Drawing on mythological resources, modern Indian filmmakers have constructed an image of the mother that is highly visible in Indian cinema. She is caring, steadfast in her devotion to the family, nurturing and upholding moral values, e.g. Mother India (1957) etc.

The concept of evil as a vital ingredient is central to Indian popular cinema, has been working over the years in response to diverse social, cultural and political forces. This is readily illustrated in Kismet (1943), Awaara (1951) and Sholay (1975).

Style and Technique – Indian popular films are generally melodramatic musicals which are non naturalistic in the Western sense. The story does not progress in a linear fashion but meanders, with detours and stories within stories. Song, music, and dance are significant in conveying the meaning of the story and in generating the desired emotions. The more talented and successful popular film makers have deployed the elements of song, dance, melodrama, stunts, fights, cabaret sequences, exaggerated humor with remarkable ingenuity to create a distinctively Indian form of cinema.

Until recently when we talked about Indian popular cinema we meant Hindi films produced in Bollywood, and called them ‘Bombay films’ or even ‘Bollywood’. But this is no longer accurate. A substantial number of popular films are now being produced in the South and in languages such as Tamil and Telugu.

Artistic Films – Artistic films differ sharply from popular films. They are realistic, often ethnographic, and they seek to capture important aspects of Indian reality. By and large, they avoid glamor and glitz and use cinema as an artistic medium capable of exploring important areas of Indian experience. They are low budget films and are shown at International Film Festivals. The artistic films do not attract the huge audiences that the popular films do. Often they are made in regional languages like Bengali, Malayalam, etc. Artistic film makers differ significantly from their counterparts in popular cinema.

 

ARYA SAMAJ

The Arya Samaj Movement was an outcome of reaction to Western influences. It was revivalist in form though not in content. The founder, Swami Dayanand, rejected western ideas and sought to revive the ancient religion of the Aryans.

Mulshankar popularly known as Dayanand was born in a Brahmin family living in the old Morvi state in Gujarat. His father a great Vedic scholar, also the role of the teacher, helped young Mulshankar acquire good insight into Vedic literature, logic, philosophy, ethics, etc.

Dayanand’s quest for the truth goaded him to Yogabhyas (contemplation or communion) and to learn yoga it was necessary to leave home.

For 15 years Dayanand wandered as an ascetic in the whole of India studying yoga. In 1975, he formally organized the first Arya Samaj unit at Bombay a few years later the headquarters of the Arya Samaj was established at Lahore. For the rest of his life, Dayanand extensively toured India for the propagation of his ideas. Dayanand’s idea was to unite India religiously, socially and nationally, Aryan religion to be the common religion of all, a classless and casteless society and an India free from foreign rule. He looked upon the Vedas as India’s ‘Rock of Ages’, the true original seed of Hinduism. His motto was, ‘Go back to the Vedas’. He gave his own interpretation of the Vedas. He disregarded the authority of the later Hindu scriptures like the Puranas and described them as the work of lesser men and responsible for the evil practices of idol worship, and other superstitious beliefs in Hindu religion. Dayanand condemned idol worship and preached unity of God. His views were published in his famous work ‘Satyaprakash’ (The True Exposition).

Dayanand launched a fatal attack on the numerous abuses like idolatry, polytheism, belief in magic, charms, etc., that had crept into Hindu religion in the 19^th century. He rejected the popular Hindu philosophy which held that the soul is merely a part of God, temporarily separated from God, its embodiment in the illusory mask of the body and that man’s object, therefore, was to escape world evil and to seek union with God. Against this belief Dayanand held that God, soul and matter (prakriti) were distinct and eternal entities, and everyone had to work out his own salvation in the light of the eternal principles governing human conduct. He explained that the world is a battlefield where every individual has to work out his salvation by right deeds. Dayanand challenged the dominant position of the Brahmin priestly class in the spiritual and social life of the Hindus. He ridiculed the claim man and God. The Swami asserted every Hindu’s right to read and understand the Vedas. He strongly condemned the caste system based on birth, though he subscribed to the Vedic nation of the four Varna system, in which a person was not born in any Varna (caste), but was identified as a Brahmin, Vaishya, Kshatriya or Shudra according to the occupation he followed. The Swami was also a strong advocate of equal status between man and women. He pleaded for widow remarriage and condemned child marriage. Sarcastically he described the Hindu race as ‘the children of children’. It should be clearly understood that Dayanand’s slogan of ‘Back to the Vedas’ was a call to a revival of Vedic learning and Vedic purity of religion and not revival of Vedic times. He accepted modernity and displayed patriotic attitude to national problems. Dayanand approved of 10 principles which have remained unaltered to this day. The principles are:

-          God is the primary source of all true knowledge

-          God is all truth, all knowledge, Almighty, Immortal, Creator of the Universe, Alone is worthy of worship

-          The Vedas are the books of true knowledge.

-          An arya should always be ready to accept truth and abandon untruth.

-          All actions must conform to dharma, after due consideration of right and wrong

-          The principle aim of this Samaj is to promote the works, material, spiritual and social wellbeing.

-          All persons should be treated with love and justice

-          Ignorance should eb dispelled and knowledge increased

-          Everybody should consider his own progress to depend upon the upliftment of others

-          Social well being of mankind should be placed above the individuals wellbeing.

Perhaps the most phenomenal achievement of the Arya Samaj has been in the field of social reform and spread of education. The Samaj based its social program entirely on the authority of the Vedas, conditioned by rationalism and utilitarianism. The Arya Samaj’s social ideals comprise, among others, the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, the equality of sexes, absolute justice and fair play between man and man and nation and nation and love and charity towards all. Arya Samaj lays great emphasis on education and encourages all Samajists to dispel ignorance. The D. A. V. Institutions spread all over the length and breadth of the country are standing proof of the educational achievements of the Samaj. The nucleus for this movement was provided by the Anglo-Vedic School established in Lahore. The education imparted in these institutions combines the best of the modern and classical Indian studies. The orthodox opinion in the Arya Samaj which stands for the revival of Vedic ideal in modern life set up to the Gurukul Paths at Haridwar. The Arya Samaj Movement gave self-confidence and self-reliance to the Hindus and undermined the belief int eh superiority of the White race and western culture. As a disciplined Hindu organization, it had succeeded in protecting Hindu society from the onslaught of Islam and Christianity. Later, the Samaj started the Shhudhi Movement to convert Hindus to Hinduism. Further, it infused a spirit of intense patriotism. The Samaj always remained in the forefront of political movement and produced leaders of the eminence of Lala Hans Raj, Pandit Furu Dutt and Lala Lajpat Rai. Dayanand’s political slogan was India for the Indians. While the Bramho Samaj and the Theosophical Society appealed to English educated elite only, Dayanand’s message was for the common masses also. The Arya Samaj had taken deep roots in Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan.

POVERTY

Poverty may be defined as the level of income lower than that needed for meeting the basic requirements of food, clothing, and shelter for a family

Poverty line is an imaginary standard which is drawn on the basis of the minimum desirable nutritional standards. People whose income level is insufficient to achieve this minimum nutritional standard are said to be below the poverty line. The term ‘poor’ is used to describe these people.

Kinds of poverty

-          Mass Poverty – When a majority of the people are deprived of a minimum level of living and are made to continue at a bare subsistence level, the society is said to be plagued with mass poverty

-          Absolute poverty – A person is said to be in absolute poverty, if his income is not sufficient to provide him with the basic requirements / nutritional minimum.

-          Relative poverty – The relative poverty standard is a measure of poverty be comparison of different levels of incomes of different groups or classes in a given community. Relative poverty indicates inequalities of poverty. It arises on account of unequal distribution of wealth, property and incomes, and exists in all societies.

Causes of poverty

-          Overpopulation – Resources and employment opportunities are inadequate to support the rising number of people

-          Underdeveloped economy – 72% of our population live in rural areas where economic development is low. Migration to cites does not help as Industrial development is also slow. Information technology is booming, but it supports / employs only a small number of people.

-          Poor agricultural productivity – Ignorance of improved techniques, small land holdings, use of out dated techniques and inability to purchase modern machinery result in poor agricultural productivity.

-          Illiteracy – A low level of education keeps people untrained and unskilled and they are unable to obtain better paid jobs.

-          Resources – India possesses both natural and human resources in abundance. E.g., water, minerals, labor, etc. but they still remain underutilized and underdeveloped.

-          Colonial rule – British rule shattered the economic structure. Zamindari System, decline of handicrafts, drain of wealth etc. enhanced the already existing poverty.

-          Mode of production – the means of production and income are highly concentrated among a few. The culture of consumerism encourages diversion of resources for the satisfaction of the wants of the rich minority at the cost of the poor majority.

 

Consequences of poverty

-          Abject poverty implies low income and very low standard of living

-          Poverty slows down the rate of economic growth

-          Extreme poverty brings about demoralization of society and increases crime.

-          The per capita income in India is very low, therefore the standard of living of an average Indian is very low

-          Majority of India’s population is underfed. The poor quality of food results in chronic malnutrition and many diseases.

-          Houses of the poor have no proper ventilation, no proper drainage, insufficient drinking water and many live in slums in unhygienic surroundings.

Remedial measures for eradicating Poverty

The World Development Report 2000-2001 proposes a strategy for attacking poverty in three ways:

-          Promoting opportunity – Material opportunities are of great importance to poor people. Overall economic growth will help in generating opportunity. Attention must be paid to build the assets of the poor by expansion of schooling, nutrition programs, mother and child health programs, etc.

-          Empowerment – The potential for economic growth and poverty reduction is influenced by State and social institutions. By decentralization, the government can bring service agencies closer to poor communities and poor people.

-          Enhancing Security – Reducing vulnerability – to economic shocks, natural disasters, ill health and disability – is an essential part of enhancing wellbeing. When poor people are helped to cope with shocks, they are in a better position to take advantage of new market opportunities.

ELECTIONS IN INDIA

India is a democracy and has a parliamentary system of government. Our country has a federal set up – Parliament at the center and legislative assemblies at the state level. (The third level of Panchayat Raj has been added – 1992)

The Parliament and legislative assemblies are law making bodies. The Indian Constitution provides for election on the basis of territorial constituency. Under this system the country is divided into constituencies. A single candidate is elected from each constituency.

The Constitution has given every adult Indian a right to vote i.e. we have universal adult suffrage. The candidate with the highest number of votes is elected. The age of voting is lowered to 18 years. In a democracy, people decide who shall be their representative by the exercise of franchise. The exercise of franchise by citizens is known as elections. A person who has the right to vote is called a voter. Collectively all the voters form the electorate.

The election to the office of the President is indirect. The president is elected by the members of our electorate college which consists of:

1.    Elected member of both houses of parliament

2.    Elected members of the legislative assemblies of all states.

The President is elected in accordance with the system of proportional representation of a single transferable vote. He holds office for a term of five years.

Election to the office of Vice President takes place in a similar manner except that here the electoral college consists of only elected members of both houses of parliament.

For conducting elections in a fair manner, the Indian Constitution has made provisions for an independent election machinery. The commission is headed by the Chief Election Commissioner. He/She has officers to assist him/her.

The essence of Parliamentary Democracy is Party Government. The election commissioner has the right to recognize political parties for allotment of symbols. It recognizes parties either as All India Parties or State Parties. A party which is recognized in four of more states enjoys the status of a National Party and that which is recognized by less is a State Party.

To be recognized as a party:

-          A Party should secure at least 6% of the total votes cast in each state

-          A party will not be recognized if it contains a name of a living person

A person convicted for crime will not be allowed to contest elections.

Election malpractices:

-          Appeals to religion, caste, etc.

-          Terrorism

-          Booth capturing

-          Selection of unsuitable candidates

-          Use of money / financial power

CORRUPTION

Corruption is the exploitation of public office for private gain. It involves accepting money or favors, as a motive or reward for showing a favor or disfavor while performing official duties. The Indian Penal Code gives a lengthy explanation of corruption.

Corruption is a two-way affair. It involves the receiver of an unlawful reward and the person or organization which offers such a reward.

Types of corruption

Corruption is of two types

1.    Cooperative Corruption – In cooperative corruption, a corrupter voluntarily offers a bribe to a corrupt individual. A bribe by businessmen to government officials, by politicians to mafia, etc. are examples of cooperative corruption. Most cases of corruption are those of cooperative corruption.

2.    Extorted Corruption – Corruption is said to be extorted when a corrupt official extracts a bribe and a citizen agrees to give the same for avoiding harassment of persecution. The Policeman’s ‘hafta’ collection and the local ‘dada’s fee’ involve extorted corruption. Similarly, for getting any work done from government departments, the bureaucratic system requires a lot of signatures. Even the routine ones are affixed after ‘speed money’ has been offered

 

Causes of corruption

A variety of factors and forces have contributed to the alarming growth of corrupt practices everywhere

-          Consumerism and Demonstration Effect – The prevailing consumerism urges people to acquire money in any manner possible. The desire to have consumer durables like refrigerator, TV, etc., is further influenced by the demonstration effect. Demonstration effect is the demonstration of a higher living standard by those who can afford it. Such demonstration by the well-to-do affects their less well-to-do relatives, friends and neighbors who try to imitate the higher living standard.

-          Scarcity – Scarcity, real or artificial disturbs the market forces and increases the prices. Producers and traders take advantage of the situation and resort to black marketing. The situation is worse when a country suffers from natural calamities like floods, earthquakes, etc.

-          Narrow loyalty – Strong loyalty to the caste, ethnic, religious or linguistic community adds to corruption called ‘nepotism’. National or larger welfare is discounted in favor of caste or ethnic welfare. Promoting the undeserving and non-competent family members by politicians is a common feature in Indian politics.

-          Corruption by politicians – The patronage system is adopted by political parties to win the largest amount of political support in exchange of certain appointments. Such appointments are assured to those people, who can produce the desired results in elections without any consideration of merit.

-          Corruption by officials – Corrupt officials are usually lax in enforcing contracts so that the favored company may use shoddy, inferior quality of materials and thus make an extraordinary gain.

-          Corruption by policemen – Laws against gambling, theft, liquor, and prostitution are entered into the statute books and policemen are duty-bound to enforce them strictly. However, laws are seldom enforced with severity. It becomes difficult for the honest policemen to maintain honesty against the power of higher corrupt officers.

Effects of corruption

Corruption is like a contagious disease. It spreads from one to the other and weakens the entire system.

-          Moral degradation – Corruption is against the morality of any society. People indulge in wrong things for private gain. There are cultural distortions whereby people may almost cease to distinguish between right and wrong.

-          Social indiscipline – When corruption is widespread it becomes a part and parcel of life. People lose faith in integrity.

-          Hinders social welfare – A welfare society aims at maximization of welfare. With corruption, private gain becomes the priority against social gain and ethics get discarded.

-          Economic distortion – Corruption creates a section of people with ill-gotten money. They spend lavishly and wastefully and resources are used to meet their demands against the basic needs of the masses.

-          Checks economic progress – Quick decisions and smooth functioning of economic agents are essential for progress. Bribes are given to make the files move fast and genuine people are deprived of opportunities.

 

Measures to prevent corruption

-          Legislative measures – The Prevention of Corruption Act of 1947 was the first government effort at controlling corruption. The Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 widened the definition of public servants by including office bearers and employees of public organizations. These acts regard corruption and a cognizable offence and empower the police to arrest the suspected person without a warrant.

-          Simplifying rules and procedures – The more rules there are the greater is the scope for corruption. Since income tax, excise and customs departments are notorious for corruption, tax laws need this reform the most.

-          Sunshine Laws – Rules must be such that public scrutiny becomes possible. Government procedures should be made open. Such laws called sunshine laws would require that there be public comments and discussions before the relevant law is formulated.

-          Appointments for short tenure – Administration should be carried out with the help of experts from all walks of life who are appointed for limited duration. This will cleanse the political system.

-          Judiciary as a ‘watch dog’ – Controlling corruption is the function of the executive but when the executive is corrupt, the judiciary is forced to take on the duty of a watchdog.

-          Declaration of assets by politicians – It is desirable that it be made compulsory for all elected representatives of people to declare their assets.

-          Social action against corruption – Social action can take various forms:

a.    Public Interest Litigation

b.    Right to Information – Bill passed on 11^th May 2005

c.    Committed media – Newspapers, TV, etc. play an important role in exposing scams and keeping the common man aware of the details of corruption

d.    Role of NGOs – NGOs create mass awareness about corruption and guide citizens about the procedures for fighting corruption e.g. AGNI

e.    Humiliating corrupt individuals – This method may help in controlling corruption because the threat of social boycott is effective.

 

VEDOKTA MOVMENT

‘Vedokta’ refers to ‘Vedic religious rites which were claimed to be the right of all twice-born Kshatriyas and Brahmins’, as opposed to the Puranic or ‘Puranokta’ rites which all Shudras were entitled to perform. (Traditionally, even the Vaishyas were included in the ‘twice-born’ category.

This controversy had raised its head in Maharashtra for the first time in the nineteenth century in 1837, when Pratap Singh was the ruler of Satara. To put an end to the vexed question about the permissibility of the Kshatriyas to perform Vedic rites, he summoned a meeting of both he castes, since the Brahmins had been arguing that they alone were eligible to perform the Vedic sacrifices and rituals. The orthodox Brahmins contended that there were only two castes in the Kaliyuga, Brahmins and Shudras, and so they refused to assign Kshatriya status to the Marathas. According to them, only Brahmins were entitled to perform Vedic rites, while other castes were allowed to perform the other rites as prescribed by the Puranas, thus assigning to them a lower status.

The outcome of the meeting was that the Brahmins lost their case. Aristocratic Maratha families, such as the Bhonsles, Ghatges, Mahadiks, were now officially declared as the Kshatriyas. Their right to perform Vedic rituals and sacrifices was confirmed with documentary evidence.

The controversy reappeared in 1896 in Baroda where rituals in the Palace of Maharaj Sayajirao Gaikwad used to be conducted in ‘Puranokta’. Under the influence of Jyotiba Phule, Gaikwad decided to adopt the Vedic religious rites as was being done in the ruling houses of Rajputana. When he ordered that the Vedic religious rites be followed with effect from 15^th October 1896, orthodox brahmins vehemently opposed the move. Surprisingly, Lokmanya Tilak and his paper ‘Kesari’, also criticized the Gaikwad’s decision and an inter caste conflict dominated the society.

The Kolhapur Incident

While the Vedokta controversy was raging in Baroda and arousing the Brahmins of Kolhapur as well as of other parts of Maharashtra to agitate against the Gaikwads action, another similar controversy, but of greater intensity, broke out in Kolhapur. In 199, a dispute arose when the ruler of Kolhapur, Chatrapati Shahu Maharaj, discovered that his hereditary priest int eh service of his Palace was performing only ‘Puranokta’ rites for him, instead of Vedokta rites. On inquiry, the priest explained that since he was a Shudra, he was entitled only to the ‘Puranokta’ sacrifices they were performing. Provoked by their arrogance and also by their declaration that he was a Shudra, and therefore not entitled to Vedic rites, Shahu Maharaj ordered that all rituals in his court should be performed according to the Vedas. Thus, began a fierce inter caste conflict which gave a great fillip to the Non Brahmin Movement in Maharashtra.  

The high priest of Shahu, the Rajopadhya, refused to comply with the orders of his King to perform Vedic rites. Hence, the Maharaja confiscated his ‘inam lands’. The Shankaracharya supported the Palace High Priest against Shahu. The enraged ruler of Kolhapur ordered the confiscation of the hereditary lands of the Shankaracharya in Kolhapur.

Behind the ‘Vedokta’ controversy, there was the burning question of political and social equality. It was felt by the Marathas, that the Brahmins were trying to sow seeds of dissension in the Maratha community and were trying to split the royal families. But the leaders of the Brahmin community cleverly sought to convert the conflict between them and the Marathas of Kolhapur into a problem affecting the entire Hindu community. They demanded that Shahu should treat the Vedokta controversy in that light and solve it, keeping in mind that his decision would affect the entire Brahmin community in India. However, he was not in a mood to compromise on the issue.

At this juncture, Tilak entered the fray, taking the side of the Brahmin priests. Tilak was prepared to allow Shahu Maharaj the Vedic rites, not because he was a Maratha, but because he was a Chatrapati, the head of the state. Tilak explained his position, as under, in response to R. P. Paranjpe’s allegations against him in 1919: “As for the Vedokta, I supported the extension of it in the case of the Kolhapur chief and never objected to extension of it to non brahmin classes. Mr. Paranjpe had utterly misunderstood the question. The extension of the Vedokta ceremony was not the bone of contention. The question was whether an orthodox Brahmin priest should be coerced and compelled against his wish, on pain of forfeiture of Inams granted to him under the old system to perform Vedic rites in non-brahmanical families as a whole. The very principle of personal liberty, on which Mr. Paranjpe lays so much stress would be violated if we answer the question in the affirmative. I know that every community can freely resort to Vedokta rites if it chooses, but no one can justify the forfeiture of ancient Inams granted by old rulers and under different understandings”.

But in two articles in the Kesari of 22^nd and 29^th October 1901, Tilak had adopted a traditional view that the Marathas as a caste were not entitled to perform Vedic rites. There was a clear split in the Maharashtrian society on this issue. Orthodox brahmins and their Shastris and Tilak and the Marathi press under the control of the orthodox brahmins were on one side, and Chatrapati Shahu and his non brahmin followers and the Satyashodak Samajists were on the other. The British government, though posing as neutral, were on the side of Shahu and against Tilak and the Brahmins, who were troublemakers to them. All the petitions of the priest sent to the British authorities were rejected on the grounds that the government did not wish to interfere in religious matters.

There was a section of liberal brahmins who supported Chatrapati Shahu’s stand and sympathized with him. Rajaramshastri Bhagwat (1851-1908), a staunch reformer, come out openly to support the Kshatriyahood of the Marathas. The historian C. V. Vaidya and later Mahadev Shastri Divekar were among those who sympathized with the Chatrapatis cause.

It was natural that the Chatrapati should react strongly to the Brahman agitation. He was a liberal ruler. He declared that half the seats in the services of his state would be reserved for the backward classes. That added fuel to the fire. The Brahmin press stepped up its attack on the Chatrapati. The stand taken by Tilak and the orthodox Brahmins in the controversy sowed the seeds of the later non Brahmin movement. It was a blunder on the part of Tilak to join the issue and take side against the Marathas. It was squibbling of words to say that only the Chatrapati was entitled to Vedokta and not the Marathas as a caste. He antagonized the Marathas, who not only remained aloof from the nationalist movement, but opposed Tilak to the last day of his life. As a counter move against the Brahmin priest, Chatrapati Shahu instituted the seat of Kshatriya jadguru – the Universal Priest of Kshatriyas.

Immediately after the Vedokta controversy, Shahy began to bring non brahmins into the administration of Kolhapur and in many other ways he sought to weaken the position of the Brahmins. The Maratha nobility was happy to see ‘Brahmin nationalism’ reeling under the blows of Shahus reforms. But, as Gail Omvedt points out, ‘the non brahmins, who had come into administration were non aristocratic persons. They began to pay attention to the message of secularism and equality, and ceremonies to be held without any Brahmin at all. That was being spread by the Satyashodak Samaj. However, within a decade, a compromise with the Vedokta atmosphere was worked out in Kolhapur when many ceremonies of the Maratha community involved use of the sacred thread as one of the aspect of the claim to Kshatriya status. But, inspite of this compromise, these ceremonies were significant. They were conducted in defiance of Brahmin priests by trained non brahmin priests.

The issue of the Vedokta involved social, religious and political angles. At the root it was the question of social and religious equality. The target of Brahmin criticism was the Maharaja of Kolhapur and as the Maharaja was toeing the line of the British government, the issue took an evil turn ending in political bifurcation – the Maharaja ad his non brahmin followers versus Tilak and his nationalist followers. As a matter of fact, nothing would have been lost by conceding the Vedokta rites to the Marathas. The Marathas also did not consider it as a special gain. They used it as a tool to oppose the brahmins. As Bhaskarrao Jadhav, a prominent leader of the non brahmin movement stated later in his evidence before the chirole case commission: “I do not see any significance in the Vedokta affair. We demanded the right only because the Brahmins opposed it”.

The shadow of he Vedokta Movement (affair) was hanging over Maharashtra politics for many years.

According to some historians, Vedokta Movement was started by Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur. Its origin was on an unhappy incident in the life of Shahu Maharaj.

Shahu Maharaj was a pious Hindu who believed in traditional rituals. He employed Narayan Bhat to sing Ved Mantra especially when Shahu would take bath in River Panchganga. Once in 1899, when he went to the river, he took Rajaram Shastri, a guest at his darbar with him. Rajaram Shastri brought to the notice of Shahu that his bhat was not singing ‘Ved Mantra’ but was singing ‘Puranokta Mantra’.

The difference between Ved Mantra and Puranokta Mantra is that Ved Mantra were sung only for Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas and Puranokta Mantra were simplified to be sung for non upper castes. In reality there were no disputes between the two but the reply given by Narayan Bhat or Rajo Padhye, or for that matter all bahmins, that Bholse’s being ‘lower class’ had no right to sing Ved Mantra, they were permitted to sing only Puranokta Mantra.

This thought of treating Bhosles as lower class was not tolerated by Shahu. He became so angry that he stopped the grants which were given to Narayan Bhat and to all other Brahmins. Shahu became Anti-brahmin and criticized them as and when he got a chance. Anti-brahmin movement that followed gave a turn to the social history of Maharashtra.