Tuesday, 19 July 2022

IMPORTANCE OF COMMUNICATION IN MEDIA

 As students of media, it is important for us to understand the importance of communication in media.  

We use communication for all our activities and the media enables us to communicate with larger audiences across the globe. It is therefore essential to understand how media messages influence audiences and can even change mindsets of the receivers of the communicated message or information. 


Media messages convey important influences - Mass media and other forms of communication technology have an enormous influence in helping to shape public opinion and underlying sentiment.  


Newspapers, TV, radio, billboards and social media, are important sources of basic information about other people and other places and this helps understanding if presented in a fair, even-handed and non-inflammatory way. 


The media is an important accountability mechanism: it raises important issues. For e.g., corruption, that might otherwise never be publicly debated or addressed is now exposed due to the media.  


The media has an important role in stimulating governments to take action on social policy: although stories about migrants or refugees might reinforce prejudice, they also expose problems that need to be addressed, for example poor living conditions or lack of access to services, the response of local communities to their settlement and so on. 


But the media can also, in some cases, become an instrument for the dissemination (spread) of false and inflammatory messages and values that do not promote respect or well-tempered dialogue and discussion. Negative messages can divide communities and can help perpetuate the stereotypes that nurture violence. 


Media portrayals can sometimes serve to exacerbate (promote) the narrative of oppositional forces and irreconcilable, value-based differences.  


The media often prefers to dwell on conflict, since conflict and drama sell (newspapers / magazines / social media) and attract an audience. This means that the more extreme points of view get airtime rather than the feelings of the majority of citizens that may have more accommodating and balanced perspectives. 


Even when the media are truly independent, there can be a tendency by some (though not all) of the media to oversimplify the complexity of current problems and reduce the news to catch phrases and sound bytes – on the assumption that people want drama and entertainment rather than informed analysis. An emphasis on the constructive role of the media has to go with a realistic recognition of the problems that the media have reason to guard against. 


New media serve to shape outlooks more directly - The internet has radically changed the way in which people communicate and connect with each other. As a means of social interaction, the web brings people together – friends, family, young people, or complete strangers that share interests or objectives – and this can foster a sense of belonging and identity.  


The web, however, has also been used to target people, mainly young users, to radicalize them into specific belief systems and divisive ways of seeing the world. 


Some constructive means of linking like-minded peaceful groups across dispersed regions already exists – including those such as ‘Youth for a Sustainable Future’, an email discussion group founded by young people to discuss issues affecting them and the region. 


Sometimes the internet has been used for fomenting (promotion of) group violence. Taking the rough with the smooth, an awareness of this problem is important, while building on the constructive role of the media and public dialogue. 


The media can have innovative roles in breaking down conflict and can spread awareness and understanding among the masses. 

 

Media initiatives have been successful at increasing the inclusion of previously marginalized groups by providing them with a means of expressing their views. Positive results have also resulted from the creation of channels through which older disputes can be broken down and re-imagined in ways that highlight common interests that transcend warring boundaries. 


An international example: In the occupied Palestinian territory, an on-going Palestinian initiative aims to promote gender equity through media capacity-building and outreach. The programme created networks of local media professionals (male and female) in the different communities, trained them to produce, print and broadcast programmes on women’s lives and issues, and fostered relationships, collaboration and information-sharing between women leaders and media professionals. Training was provided to women leaders in media presentation skills, and to public information officers in media advocacy campaigns. As a result, several long-term relationships were established between women’s organizations and television and radio stations, enabling women to continue sharing information and informing broadcasts. (This initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) is supported by UNIFEM). 


A local example, the Narendra Modi political campaigns are an ideal example of the use of media and public relations to promote political agenda as well as reach out to audiences. 


The world of journalism provides opportunities to promote understanding in conflict situations.  


Media responsibility is the ethical correlative of media freedom. 


Wednesday, 13 July 2022

BABURNAMAH / TUZUK E BABURI

 Baburnamah / Tuzuk-e-Baburi / Waqiat-e-Baburi / Baburiat by Babur or Emperor Zahiruddin Muhammad 

Autobiographical memoirs of the Emperor from his accession in June 1494 to September 1529. Babur, the founder of the Mughal Empire in India was descendent of Timur and born in 1483. The greater part of his life was spent in war. He took Kabul in 1504, Qandahar in 1506, several times invaded Hindustan and in 1526 finally defeated Ibrahim Lodi he became substantially the master of Hindustan he was a good writer and left a valuable autobiography and a Divan in Chaghtai Turkish  

Translations:  

In Persian by Shaykh Zainuddin Kwafi, Mirza Payanda Hassan Ghaznavi, Abdur Rahim Khan E Kanan completed in 1950. 

In French: Pavet de Courteille, Paris, 1870. 

In English: A. Beveridge, London 1921, 2 Vols 

Baburnama gives graphic description of the early years of Babur in Farghana and Samarqand, his quarrels with cousins. It describes in detail the flora and fauna of India and his personal impressions of the nature and climate of India and also th works of art and industries. 

Barber was also a poet and the author of divine in ducky which was edited by doctor E Denison Ross in 1910. What ads a special interest to the contents of this volume is the fact that it has preserved a poetical work by Barber which has hitherto considered to be irretrievably lost. As a man of parts, the estimate of Mirza Haydar is valuable in the composition of perky poetry he was second only to Amir Ali Sher. The divine written by him is most lucid Turkey. He invented a style called Mubarak and was the author of most useful treaties on jurisprudence. He also wrote an essay on Turki parody...’ 

Friday, 1 July 2022

SOCIAL REFORM MOVEMENTS IN THE 19TH AND 20TH CENTURIES

The impact of modern education, rational, humanitarian and scientific approach to life – which ushered in – both in action and reaction – were largely responsible for social reform movements in the 19th and 20th century. Rammohan Roy, a pioneer in modern religious reform movements in India, was also the Morning Star of modern social reform movement in the country. Social reform became an integral part of religious reform in India and this was equally true of Bramho Samaj, Prathana Samaj, Arya Samaj, Ramakrishna Mission, Theosophical Society in Hinduism as also among the Muslims, the Parsis and the Sikhs.

C. H. Heimsath in an excellent analysis of the Hindu social reform movements has indicated three distinct phases in the History of social reform in India viz. first phase of individual revolt and reform together with strong religious links from Rammohan to the early 1880s; the second phase was marked by the elevation of social reform movement to a national plane as exemplified by the efforts of Behramji Malabari and the Indian National Social Conference; the third stage began when social reform was identified with a regeneration of the traditional spirit of the nation and is popularly associated with the activities of ‘extremist’ leaders of the early twentieth century. To it may be added the fourth phase under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi when social reform became a main plank in the all-round regeneration of Indian society.

The social reform movements in India have aimed at uprooting social evils, and inculcating in men and women the spirit of sacrifice for the general good of the society. The first and foremost social problem that attracted enlightened opinion was the need for a better deal for women in society, in the abolition of the cruel rites of sati and infanticide, in the condemnation of child marriage and polygamy and popularization of widow remarriage, in the abolition of purdah, in provision of educational facilities for women and economic openings to make them self-supporting and finally an equal share for women in the political life of the country by enfranchisement.

Another social evil that was a major concern of the English educated and Hindu intelligentsia was the caste restrictions in Hindu society and the degrading position of the lower castes especially the untouchables. Of these two great evils, those connected with the position of women received greater attention in the 19th century, while the problem of the untouchables (harijans) came in sharp focus in the 20th century because of political overtones.

Sati: The term Sati literally means a ‘pure and virtuous woman’. It was applied in the case of a devoted wife who contemplated perpetual and uninterrupted conjugal union with her husband life after life and as proof thereof burnt herself with the dead body of her husband. Enlightened Indian rulers like Akbar, the Peshwas, had imposed restrictions on its performance. Though the East India company broadly adhered to its declared policy of noninterference with the social customs of the people, yet early Governors- General like Cornwallis, Minto and Lord Hastings had taken some steps to restrict the practice of Sati by discouraging compulsion, forbidding admission of intoxicating drugs to the sorrow stricken widows, putting a ban on the Sati of pregnant women or widows below the age of 16 years and above all making compulsory the presence of police officials at the time of sacrifice who were to see that no compulsion was used. However, these restrictions proved inadequate and achieved limited success.

Enlightened Indian reformers led by Rammohan Roy launched a frontal attack on the evil of sati. With an eye to the coming Charter debates in the British Parliament and anxious to get a renewal of its charter for another 20 years by presenting a creditable image of its activities in India, the Court of Directors encouraged William Bentinck to enact legislation to suppress Sati. Regulation XVII of Dec 1829 declared the practice of Sati or burning or burying alive of widows illegal and punishable by criminal courts and culpable homicide. The regulation of 1829 was applicable in the first instance to Bengal Presidency alone but was extended in slightly modified forms to Madras and Bombay Presidencies in 1830. Thus, the evil practice of Sati on any scale was wiped out though stray cases might have occurred here and there.

Infanticide: Another horrible and cruel rite particularly common among the Rajput and Bengalis was killing of their infant daughters at birth, taking female children to be a great economic liability. Further, if the parents could not arrange marriage for their daughters, it was considered a social disgrace and a violation of religious injunctions. Some socially backward tribes followed the practice of killing their infant daughters at their birth; this was done by the mother by deliberately neglecting the feeding of a female child to administering poisonous drugs to the child through the nipples of the mother’s breast. Maharaja Dalip Singh, son of Ranjit Singh, mentions that ‘he had actually seen when he was a child at Lahore, his sisters put into a sack and thrown into the river’.  

Enlightened British and Indian opinion was unanimous in condemning infanticide. When persuasion alone could not help, the Bengal Regulation XXI of 1795 and III of 1804 declared infanticide illegal and equivalent to committing a murder. Pressure was exerted through political residents and agents in Indian states to eradicate this evil rite. As a precautionary measure, the Government of India passed an Act in 1870 making it compulsory for parents to register the birth of all babies and providing for verification of female children for some years after birth, particularly in areas where the custom was resorted to in utmost privacy.

Widow remarriage and prohibition of child marriage: The lot of women in society could not be improved merely by the negative steps of suppression of sati and infanticide but by positive action in popularizing widow remarriage and raising the age limit for marriage of girls. The Bramho Samaj debated the question of widow remarriage and popularized it among the Bramhos. The efforts of Pt. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar (1820-91) Principal of Sanskrit College, Calcutta, deserve special mention. He dug up old Sanskrit references and proved that Vedic texts sanctioned widow remarriage. He sent a petition signed by 987 persons to the Government of India urging it for legislative action. His efforts were rewarded when the Hindu Widow Remarriage Act (Act XV of 1856) legalized marriage of widows and declared issues form such marriages as legitimate. However, in Bengal the widow remarriage reform achieved very limited success.

In Western India, Prof. D. K. Karve took up the cause of widow remarriage and in Madras Veeresalingam Pantulu made Herculean efforts in the same direction. Prof. Karve started his career as a teacher in a Girl’s School at Bombay and seven years later in 1891 became a Professor at Fergusson College. In the meantime, he became a widower. He refused to marry a teenager and married a Brahmin widow in 1893. Karve devoted his life to the upliftment of Hindu widows and became the Secretary of the Widow Remarriage Association. In 1899, he opened a widow’s home in Pune with the object of giving high-caste widows an interest in life by providing them openings in the profession of teachers, doctors and nurses and making them, at the same time, self-supporting. He crowned his work by setting up an Indian Women’s University at Bombay in 1916.  

Legislative action in prohibiting child marriage came in 1872 when by the Native Marriage Act (popularly known as Civil Marriage Act) marriage of girls below the age of 14 and boys below 18 years were forbidden. However, this act was not applicable to Hindus, Muslims and other recognized faiths, and as such had very limited impact on Indian society. B. M. Malabari, a Parsi reformer of the 19th century started a crusade against child marriage and his efforts were crowned by the enactment of the Age of Consent Act (1891) which forbade the marriages of girls below the age of 12. The Sharda Act (1930) further pushed up marriage age and provided for penal action in marriages of boys under 18 and girls under 14 years of age. A further improvement was made by the Child Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Act 1978 which raised the age of marriage for girls from 15 to 18 years and for boys from 18 to 21.

Education of Women: Hindu society in the 19th century suffered from false religious illusions that Hindu scriptures did not sanction female education, that education of girls wrought wrath of gods leading to their widowhood.

The Christian Missionaries whatever their motives, were the first to set up the Calcutta Female Juvenile Society in 1818. However, the celebrated name of J.E.D. Bethune, President of the Council of Education, will always be remembered with respect. In 1849, he founded a Girl’s School in Calcutta. Pt. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar also did a lot in popularizing the cause of female education and was associated with no less that 35 girls schools in Bengal. In Bombay the students of Elphinstone Institute became the spearhead of the movement for women’s education and founded the Students Literary and Scientific Society. Charles Woods’ dispatch on Education (1854) laid great stress on the need for female education. In the broad perspective, women’s education became a part of the general campaign for amelioration of the plight of women in society.

Abolition of Slavery: Slavery of the Greek or Roman on American negro type did not exist in India. Slavery in India was more akin to what may be termed as bonded – servant, bonded-labor type and slaves in India were treated in a humane manner unknown to Western countries. In this context the observation of the Committee of Circuit deserves to be quoted. It reads, ‘The ideas of slavery, borrowed from our American colonies, will make every modification of it appear in the eyes of our countrymen in England a horrible evil. But it is far otherwise in this county; here slaves are treated as the children of the families to which they belong and often acquire a much happier state by their slavery than that could have hoped for by the enjoyment of liberty’. If in northern India slaves generally served as domestic servants, in South India slaves were mostly employed in cultivation. Of course, European slave-owners in India, treated their slaves in the same inhuman manner characteristic of Western slave owners.

Slavery was abolished in the British Empire in 1833 and a clause was inserted in the Charter Act of 1833 requiring the Governor – General in Council to abolish slavery in India as soon as it could be safely and conveniently carried out. Act V of 1843 declared slavery illegal in India and all existing slaves were emancipated without any compensation to slave owners. The Penal Code of 1860 also declared trade in slavery illegal. Bonded labor in one form or the other however lingers on in India even now.

Social reform in the 20th century: The history and course of social reform movement in the twentieth century is marked by the coming into existence of a number of social organizations both at the all India and provincial levels. The Indian National Social Conference founded in 1887 by M. G. Ranade had limited objectives and achieved limited success. In 1903 the Bombay Social Reform Association was founded and in Madras Mrs. Annie Besant set up the Hindu Association. In September 1932 the All India Anti Untouchability League was founded, later renamed as Harijan Sevak Sangh. Further, the social reform movement lost its exclusive male and upper caste basis and orientation; women themselves crusaded for an equal status in society and organized the first All India Women’s Conference in 1926 while the lower castes founded All India Depressed Classes Association (March 1918) and All India Depressed Classes Federation.

Though many social evils like drinking, beggary, etc. received the attention of social reformers in the twentieth century, the twin problems of improvement of the lot of women and depressed classes received greater attention partly because of the dynamic leadership of Gandhiji and partly due to political overtones of the problem of depressed classes.

Attacking the purdah system among women Gandhiji said, ‘the sight of the screen made me sad. It pained and humiliated me deeply… let us not live with one limb completely or partially paralyzed… Let us tear down the purdah with one mighty effort’. The All India Women’s Conference also denounced purdah. Gandhiji appealed to women to come out of the purdah and participate in the nationalist struggle by picketing and spinning. In the Civil Disobedience Movement launched by Gandhiji in 1930 women participated and courted arrest in large numbers to evoke a comment form a foreign observer that if the Civil Disobedience Movement accomplished nothing else but the emancipation of women in India, it would have fully justified itself.

When the Muslim League obtained separate electorates and taunted the Hindus that the depressed classes were not part of the Hindu Community but constituted a separate community deserving representation in its own rights, the political ambition of the Depressed Classes was touched and they realized their bargaining potential in the fast changing political scene. The Indian National Congress and Hindu social organizations saw the political-cum-social aspect fo the problem of lower castes and made some determined efforts to keep them within the fold of Hinduism. In 1928, the Indian National Social Conference adopted a resolution that ‘the present caste system is a great obstacle to the unification of the Hindu society, and therefore resolves that its abolition should be expediated by a) encouraging true interdining, b) promoting intercaste marriages and c) removing untouchability and all disabilities arising therefrom wherever they exist’.  Gandhiji organized the Harijan Sevak Sangh with headquarters at Delhi which has done some useful work. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, a politically conscious leader of the Depressed classes, was not satisfied with these half hearted moves and blamed the Harijan Sevak Sangh as a wing of the Congress with the ‘real aim of ensuring the Untouchables and to make them the camp-followers of the Hindus and the Congress’. In 1945, Dr. Ambedkar criticized Gandhiji in his famous book ‘What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables and advised his fellow untouchables to embrace Buddhism.

The Constitution of the Indian Republic has abolished ‘untouchability’ and forbidden its practice in any form, while reservation of seats for scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes in the Lok Sabha and State Vidhan Sabhas, apart from reservation of seats for them in the services are steps in the right direction. Caste disabilities are fast crumbling under the new democratic set up and economic pressures and the scheduled castes are increasingly playing their due role in the national life.

Friday, 24 June 2022

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PARTITION OF BENGAL

The Partition of Bengal 1905

A masterpiece of Curzon’s internal policy was the partition of Bengal into two provinces of Bengal proper and eastern Bengal and Assam in 1905.

The provinces of Bengal at the time comprised Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Curzon described the partition as ‘a mere readjustment of administrative boundaries’. It was explained that the Eastern districts of Mymen Sings and Backergange divisions were notorious for lawlessness and crime and the police arrangement was unable to cope with the situation. The lieutenant Governor who was in charge of the extensive areas could not properly look after these extensive areas. Besides there had been historical precedents of the creation of separate administrative units, as the setting up of Northwest Provinces in 2865 and separation of Assam under a high commissioner in 1874.

The new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam was to include Assam and the divisions of Dacca, Rajshahi and Chittagong.

The opposition to the partition of Bengal was great and vocal. The Bengal intelligentsia took it to be a subtle attack upon the growing solidarity of Bengali nationalism, an attempt to undermine the traditions, history and language of the Bengalis. The nationalists pointed out that the scheme was devised to divide the people on the basis of religion and to put the Muslims against the Hindus. Lord Curzon explained that one object of the partition proposal was to create a Mohammedan province where Islam could be predominant and its followers in ascendency.

Far more offensive was the manner in which the proposal of partition was carried out in the teeth of public opposition. The viceroy described the popular agitation as ‘partly unscrupulous and partly misinformed’, while Sir Andrew Fraser, the lieutenant Governor, attributed the agitation to vested interests of two provincial classes, the Calcutta Bar who feared a setback to other work due to the creation of a separate court at Dacca and the Calcutta journalists who feared the possibility of new newspapers being published from Dacca. Lord Morley, the new Secretary of State, declared in 1905 that the partition was a ‘settled fact’.

It was suggested to the government that united Bengal could be placed under a governor with a separate executive council as in Madras and Bombay. The viceroy turned down the proposal as unsatisfactory. Probably the best solution could be, what was done six years later, the separation of non-Bengali speaking parts of Bihar and Orissa from Bengal proper.

Sentiments on both sides clouded the real issue and poisoned the political atmosphere.  The partition was forced at a psychological moment, the year of Japan’s victory over Russia. The Indian opinion was utterly disregarded.

Curzon made it a prestige issue and decided not to yield to pressure. Bengali youth accepted it as a challenge to their nationalism and pledged to undo it.

Recent researches have proved that Curzon’s main motives were political and Machiavellian, to undermine the solidarity of politically advanced Bengalis and at lessening the political influence of Calcutta in Indian affairs. In a private confidential letter to the Secretary of State on 17 February 1904, Curzon wrote ‘If we are weak enough to yield to their clamor now, we shall not be able to dismember or reduce Bengal again and you will be cementing and solidifying, on the Eastern flanks of India, a force already formidable and certain to be a source of increasing trouble in future’.

The partition of Bengal, whatever its justification from the administrative viewpoint, was a cardinal blunder of Curzon. It embittered Indo British relations. It created a breach between Muslims and Hindus for the Muslims thought that they had been deprived by the Hindus of the opportunities possible from a Muslim majority province. However, the partition and the resultant agitation gave a great fillip to the nationalist movement. The annulment of the partition in 1911 gave India a ‘sense of power’, besides inculcating love for swadeshi.