Tuesday, 17 June 2025

PHIROZESHAH MEHTA (1845-1915)

In the city of Bombay, in the second half of the 19th century, the famous Triumvirate, namely Phirozeshah Mehta, K. T. Telang and Badruddin Tyabji, gave a fillip to liberal, secular, moderate nationalism.

Mehta was a Parsi western educated lawyer and prominent political leader of the city of Bombay. He was the secretary fo Bombay branch of the East India Association (EIA), member of the Bombay Association, the Western India Association and a powerful leader of the moderate faction of the Indian National Congress. During 1884-85 he was the chairman of Bombay Municipal Corporation. For Mehta, secretaryship of EIA was an important steppingstone to leadership and fame. By the close of the century he had emerged, along with Gopal Krishna Gokhale as an acknowledged political leader of the country. Mehta and K. T. Telang concentrated their activities from 1870s onwards in building up their power base, within the decade they made a successful bid to capture the leadership of the city.

P. M. was a liberal. He was in favor of reform, especially of municipal affairs of Bombay. Although, in 1874, he was a supporter of the (corrupt) Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, Arthur T. Crawford, he struggled for popularly elected body for the Bombay Municipality. P. M. supported the campaign for a complete reform of the electoral system. In his view, the continued appointment of the Justice of Peace for life by the government was bad. Hence, he demanded a popular and responsible corporation, elected by the ‘ratepayers’ themselves.

At a public meeting held in April 1883, Mehta, Tyabji, Telang, Mandlik and Dadabhai Naoroji affirmed that the educated intelligentsia should participate fully in the administration not only of their city but of India as well. They urged the English educated Indians to unite and present a united front to their rivals for prestige and power i.e., the Anglo-indians. They told them to be prepared for sacrifice and struggle until they had won a status of equality with the ruling race. But as P. H. Mody writes, Mehta, like Naoroji, had a sincere faith in the sense of justice and fair play of the British.

P. M. rendered unforgettable service to the systematic organization of the municipal corporation as a member and mayor. According to G. K. Gokhale, by pacing his outstanding abilities freely at the disposal of the city for nearly 50 years, Mehta attained a position ‘unrivaled predominance’ in the corporation and in the country’s affairs.

P.M. was liberal and moderate in politics. He always was fair and sought justice in the politics of the British in India. His grasp of things and vigour of his intellect and his fearless independence together dignity and judgment won him a prominent place in the public life of Bombay. In the legislative council of Bombay, he showed himself to be a match for the ablest of his Anglo-Indian opponents.

M. highlighted in the council debated the indifference of the civil servants to the grievances of the Indian people and public opinion. As president of the Indian National Congress, he urged the adoption of direct election and enlargement of the functions of Legislative Councils so that the people were not left at the mercy of an indifferent officialdom.

P.M. was a champion of the Free Press. Therefore, he severely criticized the vernacular press Act of 1878 which imposed severe limitations on the freedom of the press. He denounced this autocratic measure of Lord Lytton as a ‘narrow minded policy of autocratic imperialism’. He went to the extent of opposing the proposal of giving a public address and erecting a memorial to Sir Richard Temple, the retiring Governor of Bombay Presidency.

He had faith in the capacity of the Indians to manage representative institutions. He also believed that ‘the time was past when strong popular opinion on any subject could be successfully resisted by Government for any length of time’. As an active member of the Bombay Branch of the East Indian Association, Bombay Association, Western India Assciation and founder member of the Bombay Presidency Association, Mehta strove through resolutions, memorials and public meetings to focus the general feeling of the community on matters of common interest as well as to attract the governments attention towards grievances of the people.

P. M. was one of the founded members of the Indian National Congress and soon came to be recognized as one of its pillars. A moderate and constitutionalist, Mehta was elected President of the Congress in 1890. He put the case of the Congress in a nutshell when he said that it had survived the ridicule, abuse, misrepresentation and charges of sedition and disloyalty.

According to Mehta, ‘It is because the masses are still unable to articulate definite political demands that the functions and duty devolve upon their educated and enlightened compatriots to feel, to understand and to interpret their grievances and requirements and to suggest and indicate how these can best be redressed and met’.

By 1980, P. M.’s position in the political life of Maharashtra and at the All India level had become almost unassailable. He was President of the Congress in 1890, a member of the Bombay Legislative Council from 1887 to 1893, in 1893, he was elected to the viceroy’s Legislative Council. His position within the Bombay Presidency Association was equally strong. He had close personal contacts with J. N. Tata and D. M. Petit, the leading capitalists of Bombay. Thus, he came to dominate the city of Bombay and was hailed as the ‘Lion of Bombay’.

P. M. was a staunch nationalist. He believed that despite differences India was acquiring a general will as a political community which gave it the status of a nation, a consciousness of political unity. This spirit was evident, he believed, in the Congress. The members of the Congress ‘met together as men on the common basis of nationality influenced for weal of woes by the system of administration urged by like impulses to secure the rights and be relieved of like burdens…’ he said.

Monday, 16 June 2025

MARATHI PRESS

EVALUATE THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MARATHI PRESS TO THE NATIONAL MOVT IN MAHARASHTRA

National press

Press became a powerful tool in India. There was a possibility to exchange views, exposed social evils, fostered the growth of literary works. Played a prominent role in India, in the Constitution of India, a sense of unity among the people, helping the national economy of the people.

Printing press was introduced in India i.e., in Goa by the Portuguese Scottish missionaries brought the press in Bombay and the American missionaries introduced Devnagari type. Thus, it can be seen that press was used in the propagation of Christianity. Weekly and monthly periodicals were printed in this press.

Two Marathi printers were Ganpat Krishnaji and Javaji Dadaji. Marathi printing press named Desh Marathi Chhapkhana was established by Javaji Dadaji and is working till today.

The oldest press in Pune was Chitrashala Kitabkhana press. After 1860 we find Kesari and Dyna Prakash printing press.

Newspapers, journals, magazines, periodicals were printed for public education.

The work of the 3 periodicals which earlier were weeklies but later on became daily newspapers

1844 a periodical ‘Upadesh Chandrika’ was published to counteract the propaganda; to protect the Hindu religion.

Dnyanodaya was a Marathi periodical published by American Christian missionaries from Ahmednagar. Publication started in 1842. This periodical was dedicated to the spread of Christianity. It exposed (criticized) the defects of Hindu society and criticized the customs and practices of the Hindus. They could not accept this.

Dnyanaprakash – they started / began their publication in 1849 from Pune. It was an Anglo Marathi periodical. In the beginning it was issued only on Mondays but later it started issues twice a week on Mondays and Thursdays.

This periodical captured the hearts of the many people who kept increasing in number. Contributors to this periodical were – Chiplunkar, Deshmukh, Justice M. G. Ranade and many scholars. It gave not only internal news but international news too. This periodical devoted a few columns to female education, trade and commerce and themes of public interest. The title of this periodical was ‘radiating knowledge’. In 1904, it became a daily newspaper. This was the second periodical to be turned into a daily newspaper. The first was Induprakash published from Bombay.

‘Induprakash (1st Marathi paper) began its publication from 1862. Edited by Vishnushashtri Pandit, it was printed as a bilingual weekly with emphasis on social reforms. This periodical devoted a few columns to child marriage, female education, widow remarriage. Its main purpose was to provoke thinking on social evils, create public consciousness. The paper achieved tremendous popularity.

Periodicals and magazines in the Mofussils

The periodicals and magazines that were published in Bombay and Pune were mostly in two languages – English and Marathi. They aimed at attracting readers from the Marathi speaking and non-Marathi speaking population. Their main objective was to educate the public. Their second objective was profit making.

The Inam commission, the famines, the Sepoys Mutiny of 1857, the end of the rule by the East India Company and the American Civil War had shaken the people. They were eager for news and guidance in conducting their business and other affairs of practical importance.

 

The role of public libraries

People were very much interested in reading newspapers, periodicals. Later on they felt the need of libraries. The 1st general library was at Dhobi Talao (June 7, 1845). Those who could not buy newspapers, periodicals, magazines had free access to that public library.

This news spread and many libraries were established

-       In Pune – Nagar Vachan Mandir – 1848

-       Kolhapur – General Library – 1850

-       Amravati – City Library – 1867

-       Konkan, Ratnagiri, Vengurla, Sawantwadi and Malwan

 

THE ROLE OF THE PRESS IN THE LAST QUARTER OF THE 19TH CENTURY

People all over Maharashtra did pay a lot of attention to the press, to news, read newspapers. The literate people too gained a lot through the press.

 

PRESS AS A NEW FORCE IN MAHARASHTRA

With the spread of education and opening up of libraries the newly elected people in the mofussils were eager to read about secular matter not merely the stories from Hindu mythology.

Chiplunkar’s classical style won him the title of ‘Shivaji of Marathi Language’. It was Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar who was one of the founder of Kesari along with G. G. Agarkar and Tilak.

Jyotirao Phule started a periodical – Sarita (river) 1885 which helped him to organize Satyashodhak Samaj

One magazine edited by non Brahmin was Deenabandhu of Kolhapure (1877) edited by Bhalekar.

 

THE VERNACULAR PRESS ACT 1878

The outbreak of famine in Maharashtra in 1876-77 and in many parts of India created an explosive situation. By 1877 the press in India had become very powerful. There were about 644 newspapers in India out of which about a 100 were in Maharashtra. The British government acted as guardian of the people of India.

Conclusion

The role of the press in promoting knowledge among the ever-increasing readers of the popular dailies, weeklies and magazines cannot be denied. Thus, we can say that the Marathi press not only promoted enlightenment among the people but also enriched the language and emerged as a great single force to mould public opinion in Maharashtra.

 

 

 

 

SOCIAL REFORMERS IN MAHARASHTRA (1900-1920)

Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade explained to the social reformers of Maharashtra that ‘the change which they should all seek is thus a change from constraint to freedom, from cruelty to faith, from status to contract, from authority to reason, from unorganized to organized life, from blind fate to a sense of human dignity’.

The issue on which controversies raged in the 19th century included questions such as child marriage and widow remarriage. Efforts were made to educate women in particular and get their rights reorganized. Several of the social reformers in the 19th century belonged to the upper class.

When the 1st wife of M. G. Ranade passed away in October 1873 his father arranged his marriage within 2 months and instead of marrying a widow Ranade gave his consent to marry a girl chosen for him by his father. Justice K. T. Telang had to agree to celebrate the marriage of his 8-year-old daughter though he had always condemned child marriage. Gopal Deshmukh did not dare to attend a wedding of a widow. Men like R. G. Bhandarkar and D. A. Karve patiently bore the brunt of the boycott imposed by the orthodox sections of the society which did not like their active support to the cause of widow remarriage. Tilak as a leader of Maharashtra in the 19th century believed that the attainment of Swaraj was the key to the problems in India. He opposed every attempt made by social reformers to seek help from the alien government for introducing social reform through legislation.

During the present century the emphasis slowly shifted from their form of the social institution of family to the revolt against the caste system. Tilak’s failure to understand the legitimate aspirations and apprehensions of the non-Brahmin castes alienated him to their leaders. The gulf between Tilak and the non-Brahmin leaders widened further when the British government in August 1917 assured Indians a share I power and announced its policy of encouraging increasing associations of Indians with the administration of India.

The situation changed when Gandhiji took over the leadership of the congress and the nationalist struggle for independence. According to Rajaji, the Mahatma integrated social and religious reform with political activity in the congress and changed the whole character of the congress.

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had emerged as the unchallenged leader of the depressed classes in Maharashtra and was recognized as a leader of national states by the scheduled castes in all parts of India. He organized the untouchables and agitated for their rights. Despite Gandhijis persistent efforts to improve the Harijans, Ambedkar bitterly criticized Gandhiji for defending the Chatur Varna System.

The important social reformers of Maharashtra are:

Bal Shashtri Jambhekar

Gopal Hari Deshmukh (Lokhitwadi)

Jotirao Govindrao Phule

Ramkrishnan Gopal Bhandarkar

Mahadeo Govind Ranade

Gopal Ganesh Agarkar

Dhondo Keshav Karve

Vitthal Ramji Shinde

Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj

GOPAL HARI DESHMUKH (LOKHITWADI)

 

-       Assess the contribution of Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh to the growth of Liberal Thought in Maharashtra

-       ‘The Shatpatre and the Swadkyaya hold the key to an understanding of Lokhitwadi G. H. Deshmukh’. Elucidate

-       critically examine N.R.Pathak’s statement that ‘Lokhitwadi was the first Maharashtrian to attempt an analysis of the Hindu society from the economic point of view’.

-       Discuss the nature of religious dissent and social protest expressed by Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh through the press.

-       Examine Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh’s critique of the contemporary society.

The English educated generation in Maharashtra began to examine the old traditions, the old institutions, old values, old customs and visages, subjugating them to the test of reason. On such re-examination, they felt the urgent need to reform the society to suit the new environment. Three thought currents of different types emerged as a consequence. These were represented by three outstanding personalities viz. Gopal Hari Deshmukh alias Lokhitwadi, Vishnubuwa Bramhahari and Jyotiba Phule. These thought currents may be designated as ‘all sided reformism’, ‘revivalism’ and ‘populism’ respectively.

Gopal Hari Deshmukh, popularly known as Lokhitwadi, was the pioneer of all sided reformism in Maharashtra. He was a fine product of the new learning of the West. He laid the foundation of a broadbased intellectual renaissance in western India. He possessed a rare foresight and could predict the future course of events. Lokhitwadi was active throughout his life.

His name is connected with the establishment of a number of public institutions. His greatest impact however, was made through his journalistic and literary work. He wrote a number of booklets on current religious, social and economic problems.

His bigger books are mainly on historical topics. From 1848 onwards, he published a series of short articles in the periodical ‘Prabhakar’ on religious, social, political, economic and educational subjects. These one hundred and eight articles known as Shatapatre, were collected in 1860 as part of ‘Lokhitwadikrta Nibandhasangraha’. The Shatapatree represents an outspoken, impatient, penetrating analysis of the ills of society. He published a book entitled Svadhyaya Athava Aryavidyancha Krama, Vichar ani Pariksana (study of sequence of the Aryan learnings, thought and review) which is more moderate in its diction, gives the opinions of the experienced, mature reformer. The Shatapatree and the Svadhaya hold the key to an understanding of Lokhitwadi. Both books contain basically the same teaching; but the latter is more clearly in praise of the vedic times.

The Shatapatree reveals his unusual grasp of the new trend of events. One is surprised to see the modernity and the secularity of his outlook in so young an age. As he explained the effect of writing these letters in letter no.100, he wished that the people should know the real situation, reform themselves, achieve well-being in this world and attain happiness in the other. He wanted people to renounce their time-honored prejudices, indiscretion and foolishness. He appealed to his readers again and again to think for themselves and welcome the new learning with open mind. He spared no body and no follies of his countrymen, which were responsible for the present downtrodden state of the country. He was the first to challenge the age-old authority and traditions. He realized the importance of the western learning and the power of knowledge. True learning is search for knowledge. He earnestly wished to place before his fellowmen the new thought and the new vision.

He was convinced that this was essential to reform the society. He defined reform as a way to public good. The hundred epistles reveal his considered reflections on religion, politics, economic, social matters and administrative affairs. His criticism of social matters had a comprehensive bearing. The Epistles show his patriotic fervor and the deep love for his own country. They express the poignant grief felt by the intellectual class of Maharashtra at the loss of political independence of the country. He was the first to ponder over the causes, which were responsible to the loss of our independence. He attributed the loss to eight causes, which he called as ‘Hindushashtak’ (eight aggregate causes of the ruin of Hindus). To avoid overlapping in his argument, the causes he enumerated were ignorance, loss of learning, dominance of foolish Brahmin’s, misguided notions about religion, fatalism and blind traditionalism.

He had not produced a fictitious description based on somebody’s words or teachings. He did not write for profit or wealth, not with the purpose of gaining fame. He laboured so that the people might recognize their true condition and improve and some long outstanding opinions, which have taken firm root through thoughtlessness or stupidity may become fewer and disappear. For this purpose, he had laboured without renumeration as well as he could and of his own free will.

To many an old-fashioned person, several opinions of Lokhitwadi will appear unfavorable and against the Hindu religion. But this is mere imagination on their part, because there is nothing in them, which is unfavorable to the Hindu religion. All it is against is stupidity.

His letters give us an insight into what guided his journalism and his reform efforts throughout his life. He wrote: ‘I request all you people to begin to read, to read new books and newspapers and observe what is happening around you. Begin to realize that the British have many a good quality. God brought the British and you together in order that you may acquire these qualities. Become religious and intent on God. Without these virtues, everything is vain. Speak the truth, give up vicious desires, work for the improvement of religion and do not cast it aside, but interpret it according to the times. Spread the knowledge of God and the world among all the people. Stop being lazy. Appoint the really intelligent among you as leader. Proceed according to his directions. Let there be unity among all men. Keep in mind that there should be no split among us. Increase your knowledge and forge ahead. Watch continuously how the government functions, who is ruling and how he behaves. Stay well informed.

Compare with your ancient sciences, books, opinions, ideas, a hundred times better as many more. Sciences have now risen, examine them all. In your regard for wealth, do not stick to your laziness. Know that the bhats and pandits are just fools. Search for true morality. Learning means knowledge, it makes man pure, inquisitive, powerful’.

This text exhorts the people to open their minds to become inquisitive, to improve. At the same time Lokhitwadi pointed out equally clearly that their society was crippled by abuses.

Blue prints for a new outlook on life

Lokhitwadi used these and strong words to arouse people. But his criticism did not remain negative. He strove to pull down the ramshackle old hut, but he already had the blue prints of a new building to be erected in its place. The positive substance of his writings had stood the test of a century, and has kept its value even to this day.

 

Religion

In Lokhitwadi’s view a rational approach must be made to religion. He wrote: ‘Hindus have not yet started to think for themselves. It is still not clear to them that the mind is a big sacred book and that the written sacred books are all inferior to it’.

Judging his own religion from a practical point of view he came to the conclusion that the saying of the holy scriptures needed to be tested by reason. The Vedas were written by rishis who were writers and great saints, but not divine persons. Castes were originally based on the qualities of the people and their occupations, and not on a divine dispensation. The avatars were brave and virtuous heroes. The belief in reincarnation arose only in the Puranas. The effigy of mantras is imaginary. Astrology is false. It is proper to fight against the customs of Sati, cutting of hair of the widows, child marriage, prohibition of remarrying widows and similar practices. But religion, understood as a way to God, should not be disapproved.

The philosophical outlook of Lokhitwadi was that of the Prarthana Samaj. He held that there is only one ruler of the universe. The human soul and the absolute being are essentially different. The human soul is of inferior nature and God is almighty without limitation. The origin, preservation and destruction of the universe depends on him. The changes which effect the universe do not make it unreal. The reality of the world is a fact of experience. Lokhitwadi restricts the content of our knowledge of God, more than other members of the Prarthana Samaj did.

He also contributed his share to the growth of a liberal philosophy of political government. For this, he drew his main inspiration from the dynastic sequence of Jeremy Bentham, James Mill and J.S. Mill.

The state, he held is established to bring about the good of the people. After mentioning in praise of the British government, the new system of appointments based on competitive examinations, he wrote approvingly that: ‘all thoughtful people admit that the second aspect of the present form of government is that it preserves happiness and peace and promotes learning, justice, good behavior, freedom and many a work useful to the people. By this it strives to keep the people flourishing and satisfied; and the result of this can be easily experienced’.

The same utilitarian function of the government is also mentioned in a list of thirty-nine propositions, which in his view, had been neglected in India for a long time, but revived again through the influx of new ideas. One proposition runs as follows: ‘It should be the policy of the government to increase the knowledge and the wealth of the people day by day. Government has the duty to protect the freedom of the individual. In a good state, the views of the people are considered and its administration is based on their consent. The ruler should be elected by the people and can be removed if he abuses his position. Kings are not constituted by divine institution. The exercise of government should be based on law. All the citizens have the same rights and duties. For the protection of the state, the legislation should therefore be equal for all without distinction of caste or creed.

Lokhitwadi understood that this principle of equality should be applied also to the relations between the English and the Indians. He stated impatiently that both are men and contradiction some of his other statements, he added that the present form of government was not for the good of the Indians and did not give them the rights which were due to them. He wrote this as early as 1848. He called for the establishment of a Parliament in India for which the wisest should be elected irrespective of caste or religion or whether they were foreign or indigenous. This was a bold proposal. M. G. Ranade never went so far. 

According to Mathew Lederley, ‘Lokhitwadi was not an utilitarian. He was not baffled therefore by the problem of how to reconcile in the utilitarian scheme, the clash of interest between Indians. The utilitarian tells the Indian to give up his interest, his ‘self regarding interest’ in Bentham’s words and to accept the assurance of his governors that in doing this he is following his true interest.

 

Views on economic matters

Lokhitwadi had acquired a varied experience in the course of his official duties in different parts of Maharashtra and a place like Ahmedabad which formed a part of Bombay Presidency. His rationalism inspired him to spot out inconsistencies, pretensions and absurdities. Just as he critically viewed the social condition of the Hindu society, he also turned his attention to the inequalities and injustices perpetuated by the nature and English officials in matters of taxes and levies. The excise on liquor gave the exchequer a substantial amount. Drinking was being encouraged so that more money could be available to the government. He condemned the attitude of the government to ruin the health of the people for filling the coffers of the government. He declared, ‘People are the mother of the government. If the government, disregarding the health of the people, would result in the poverty of the people the government finance would be adversely affected.

In 1894, he wrote, ‘History of Gujarat’. He added an appendix entitled, ‘Comparison of Governments’ (Rajyatulana). He compared the merits and demerits of the native and foreign rule. He concluded that in the British regime taxes, customs, excise duties and other charges were excessive as compared to the late government. It does little credit to the enlightened government of the East India Company that they have kept the rayat dissatisfied with their revenue policy. It would be better if this government would adopt welfare measures as the Marathas had done. He also denounced the policy of favoritism and distinctions followed in dealing with natives and European persons. In the course of his official duty, he came across many instances of Partisan spirit and economic injustice to the people of Maharashtra.

 

Swadeshi and boycott

Padhye and Tikekar would consider Lokhitwadi as a pioneer of the Swadesh and boycott movements of later years. While analyzing the poverty and unemployment in Maharashtra, he focused light on the dumping of goods by the Englishmen in our markets to the detriment of native merchants. Our people should resolve not to buy goods of other countries and buy only indigenous articles even though they may be of inferior quality. The cotton buyer should decide not to sell raw cotton to the foreigners and sell them only textile goods. He advised them to stop buying English goods and selling our finished goods. We should shun the foreign goods and patronize indigenous goods even if they might be coarse textiles. It is remarkable for Lokhitwadi to show the audacity to hurt the rulers at the most vulnerable points inspite of his being in the service of the English government. However the approach was amateurish.

Lokhitwadi respected Justice Ranade in more than one respect. Like Ranade, he considered social reform absolutely necessary for the political emancipation of India. Like Ranade, he regarded British rule in India as divinely ordained but he was not a blind admirer of the British rule. Both were students of economics and champions of swadeshi. Both advocated industrialization of the country. He was however, so very radical in his prescription of the method of achieving self government that he may be called the morning star of the National Movement of India.

Sunday, 15 June 2025

THE RISING OF THE RAMOSIS AT POONA (1826-29)

The Ramosis served in the Maratha police administration in the lower ranks. After the final defeat of the Marathas in 1818, the British administration of the Bombay province found it difficult to restore order in the region immediately. The new administration was unable to absorb the Ramosis in the police administration. Consequently, a vast body of unemployed but assured men, included Ramosis, were thrown open – the former territories of the Peshwa. They were prepared to train anyone who would provide them suitable employment and even to help in the attempt to overthrow the British power.

In 1825, the economic distress resulting from scarcity and reduction in the number of soldiers in the local Poona garrison, adversely affected the Ramosis. Hence under the leadership of Umaji Naik and Bapu Trimbabji Sawant, they rose in revolt and restored to outlawry. From 1826 to 1829, they committed many excessed in the hills around the fort of Torna. They proved to be so turbulent that the government was forced to pardon many of their crimes and placated them by granting lands as well as recruiting them as hill police. However, their risings were quelled by the British garrison.

Nevertheless, the Ramosis continued to cause trouble to the authorities by attacking their oppressors like money lenders.

UMAJI NAIK

Leader, courageous man and patriot

Ramoshis are a predatory tribe that migrated from Telangana and settled down in Maharashtra during the Maratha period. Maratha rulers utilized their services in an effective manner. Important duties like night patrolling were entrusted to them. In the new British Raj, they were not ready to reconcile.

Umaji Naik was their leader, he had set up small principalities, small Vatandars. He gave harsh treatment to British officials and to the people who were loyal to them. Bhar and Kolhapur rulers were also supporting him. Some influential brahmins gave him necessary guidance.

In 1828, he demanded Watan rights from the British officials, if not, he threatened them that ‘thousand rebellions will arise’. Special police force were raised in Ahmednagar to check Umaji Naik. In 1829, he got 129 Bighan land and thus a trust came into force.

In 1830, there were fresh troubles. Mackintosh led on behalf of British (10th December 1830). Umaji naik was captured. The British took the help of his sisters who were promised four villages, employing such treacherous means he was captured and hanged. He gave up his life for the country.

He was not a decoit or a plunderer. He kept Shivaji as his ideal. Bombay Gazetteer described him as ‘Second Shivaji’. He is a hero of several anecdotes in Maharashtra and is a legendary figure. Several literary marks of films are made on his Robinhood style of life.

DADOBA PANDURANG TARKHADKAR (1814-1882)

Dadoba Pandurang was associated with Bal Shastri Jambhekar when they studied together and lived at Bapu Chhatre’s house. He outlived Bal Shastri by 36 years. He acted as a link between the reformers of the early forties and was also associated with the reformers of the eighties. He was very much influenced by Ram Mohan Roy and other leaders of the Bramho Samaj. The movement that he started had however an origin and growth of its own.

Dadoba Pandurang was an educator. His grammar book acquired great popularity in Mahar. He was principal of Gujarati school at Surat, then a part of Bombay Presidency. There he was joined by Dayaram Mancuram, one of the teachers of that school in promoting social reforms.

They founded the Association of Religion of Manking (Manava-Dharma sabha) in 1844. In his book ‘Dharma Vivechana’ published in 1843 he had expressed his ideas about God and religion. The Association which was founded in 1844 practically borrowed its contents and formulated them as the tenets of the Association of the Religion of Mankind. The Association represented a universalism in religion and social life. This new religion was given a broad base of rationalism. This association could hardly survive after the departure of Dadoba from Surat in 1846.

Jamshedkar had already attempted to remove some absurd features and superstitious beliefs under the name of religion. Dadoba went one step ahead and wanted a rethinking on this very sensitive and vital subject of common interest.

Dadoba’s rationalism makes a special contribution to the thought of the western educated gentry in Bombay and the cities in Maharashtra. His campaigns against sorcerers and enchanters suggested that he considered it a duty of the educated people to clear the cobwebs of superstitions from the minds of the mass of people. The foundation of the ‘Paramhansa Sabha’ showed the way for others to follow. It was nor religion that was the chief concern of the Sabha but the rational attitude that was provoked in the public mind against unscientific ideas, was its chief objective.

There were quite a number of educated people entertaining ideas to reform Hinduism and save the society by eradication fo all sorts of defilement. Among those who held identical views on religions and social matters were Dadoba's younger brother Dr. Atmaram Pandurang Tarbhadkar, Ram Balkrishna Jaykar, Moroba Vinoba, Tukaram Tatya, Balubhau Shintre, Sakharam Shastri, Laxmanshastri Halve, Bhikoba Laxman and Sakharam Laxman Chavan were prominent. They regarded these two features of Hinduism as highly objectionable.