PHIROZESHAH MEHTA (1845-1915)

In the city of Bombay, in the second half of the 19^th century, the famous Triumvirate, namely Phirozeshah Mehta, K. T. Telang and Badruddin Tyabji, gave a fillip to liberal, secular, moderate nationalism.

Mehta was a Parsi western educated lawyer and prominent political leader of the city of Bombay. He was the secretary fo Bombay branch of the East India Association (EIA), member of the Bombay Association, the Western India Association and a powerful leader of the moderate faction of the Indian National Congress. During 1884-85 he was the chairman of Bombay Municipal Corporation. For Mehta, secretaryship of EIA was an important steppingstone to leadership and fame. By the close of the century he had emerged, along with Gopal Krishna Gokhale as an acknowledged political leader of the country. Mehta and K. T. Telang concentrated their activities from 1870s onwards in building up their power base, within the decade they made a successful bid to capture the leadership of the city.

P. M. was a liberal. He was in favor of reform, especially of municipal affairs of Bombay. Although, in 1874, he was a supporter of the (corrupt) Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, Arthur T. Crawford, he struggled for popularly elected body for the Bombay Municipality. P. M. supported the campaign for a complete reform of the electoral system. In his view, the continued appointment of the Justice of Peace for life by the government was bad. Hence, he demanded a popular and responsible corporation, elected by the ‘ratepayers’ themselves.

At a public meeting held in April 1883, Mehta, Tyabji, Telang, Mandlik and Dadabhai Naoroji affirmed that the educated intelligentsia should participate fully in the administration not only of their city but of India as well. They urged the English educated Indians to unite and present a united front to their rivals for prestige and power i.e., the Anglo-indians. They told them to be prepared for sacrifice and struggle until they had won a status of equality with the ruling race. But as P. H. Mody writes, Mehta, like Naoroji, had a sincere faith in the sense of justice and fair play of the British.

P. M. rendered unforgettable service to the systematic organization of the municipal corporation as a member and mayor. According to G. K. Gokhale, by pacing his outstanding abilities freely at the disposal of the city for nearly 50 years, Mehta attained a position ‘unrivaled predominance’ in the corporation and in the country’s affairs.

P.M. was liberal and moderate in politics. He always was fair and sought justice in the politics of the British in India. His grasp of things and vigour of his intellect and his fearless independence together dignity and judgment won him a prominent place in the public life of Bombay. In the legislative council of Bombay, he showed himself to be a match for the ablest of his Anglo-Indian opponents.

M. highlighted in the council debated the indifference of the civil servants to the grievances of the Indian people and public opinion. As president of the Indian National Congress, he urged the adoption of direct election and enlargement of the functions of Legislative Councils so that the people were not left at the mercy of an indifferent officialdom.

P.M. was a champion of the Free Press. Therefore, he severely criticized the vernacular press Act of 1878 which imposed severe limitations on the freedom of the press. He denounced this autocratic measure of Lord Lytton as a ‘narrow minded policy of autocratic imperialism’. He went to the extent of opposing the proposal of giving a public address and erecting a memorial to Sir Richard Temple, the retiring Governor of Bombay Presidency.

He had faith in the capacity of the Indians to manage representative institutions. He also believed that ‘the time was past when strong popular opinion on any subject could be successfully resisted by Government for any length of time’. As an active member of the Bombay Branch of the East Indian Association, Bombay Association, Western India Assciation and founder member of the Bombay Presidency Association, Mehta strove through resolutions, memorials and public meetings to focus the general feeling of the community on matters of common interest as well as to attract the governments attention towards grievances of the people.

P. M. was one of the founded members of the Indian National Congress and soon came to be recognized as one of its pillars. A moderate and constitutionalist, Mehta was elected President of the Congress in 1890. He put the case of the Congress in a nutshell when he said that it had survived the ridicule, abuse, misrepresentation and charges of sedition and disloyalty.

According to Mehta, ‘It is because the masses are still unable to articulate definite political demands that the functions and duty devolve upon their educated and enlightened compatriots to feel, to understand and to interpret their grievances and requirements and to suggest and indicate how these can best be redressed and met’.

By 1980, P. M.’s position in the political life of Maharashtra and at the All India level had become almost unassailable. He was President of the Congress in 1890, a member of the Bombay Legislative Council from 1887 to 1893, in 1893, he was elected to the viceroy’s Legislative Council. His position within the Bombay Presidency Association was equally strong. He had close personal contacts with J. N. Tata and D. M. Petit, the leading capitalists of Bombay. Thus, he came to dominate the city of Bombay and was hailed as the ‘Lion of Bombay’.

P. M. was a staunch nationalist. He believed that despite differences India was acquiring a general will as a political community which gave it the status of a nation, a consciousness of political unity. This spirit was evident, he believed, in the Congress. The members of the Congress ‘met together as men on the common basis of nationality influenced for weal of woes by the system of administration urged by like impulses to secure the rights and be relieved of like burdens…’ he said.

MARATHI PRESS

EVALUATE THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MARATHI PRESS TO THE NATIONAL MOVT IN MAHARASHTRA

National press

Press became a powerful tool in India. There was a possibility to exchange views, exposed social evils, fostered the growth of literary works. Played a prominent role in India, in the Constitution of India, a sense of unity among the people, helping the national economy of the people.

Printing press was introduced in India i.e., in Goa by the Portuguese Scottish missionaries brought the press in Bombay and the American missionaries introduced Devnagari type. Thus, it can be seen that press was used in the propagation of Christianity. Weekly and monthly periodicals were printed in this press.

Two Marathi printers were Ganpat Krishnaji and Javaji Dadaji. Marathi printing press named Desh Marathi Chhapkhana was established by Javaji Dadaji and is working till today.

The oldest press in Pune was Chitrashala Kitabkhana press. After 1860 we find Kesari and Dyna Prakash printing press.

Newspapers, journals, magazines, periodicals were printed for public education.

The work of the 3 periodicals which earlier were weeklies but later on became daily newspapers

1844 a periodical ‘Upadesh Chandrika’ was published to counteract the propaganda; to protect the Hindu religion.

Dnyanodaya was a Marathi periodical published by American Christian missionaries from Ahmednagar. Publication started in 1842. This periodical was dedicated to the spread of Christianity. It exposed (criticized) the defects of Hindu society and criticized the customs and practices of the Hindus. They could not accept this.

Dnyanaprakash – they started / began their publication in 1849 from Pune. It was an Anglo Marathi periodical. In the beginning it was issued only on Mondays but later it started issues twice a week on Mondays and Thursdays.

This periodical captured the hearts of the many people who kept increasing in number. Contributors to this periodical were – Chiplunkar, Deshmukh, Justice M. G. Ranade and many scholars. It gave not only internal news but international news too. This periodical devoted a few columns to female education, trade and commerce and themes of public interest. The title of this periodical was ‘radiating knowledge’. In 1904, it became a daily newspaper. This was the second periodical to be turned into a daily newspaper. The first was Induprakash published from Bombay.

‘Induprakash (1^st Marathi paper) began its publication from 1862. Edited by Vishnushashtri Pandit, it was printed as a bilingual weekly with emphasis on social reforms. This periodical devoted a few columns to child marriage, female education, widow remarriage. Its main purpose was to provoke thinking on social evils, create public consciousness. The paper achieved tremendous popularity.

Periodicals and magazines in the Mofussils

The periodicals and magazines that were published in Bombay and Pune were mostly in two languages – English and Marathi. They aimed at attracting readers from the Marathi speaking and non-Marathi speaking population. Their main objective was to educate the public. Their second objective was profit making.

The Inam commission, the famines, the Sepoys Mutiny of 1857, the end of the rule by the East India Company and the American Civil War had shaken the people. They were eager for news and guidance in conducting their business and other affairs of practical importance.

 

The role of public libraries

People were very much interested in reading newspapers, periodicals. Later on they felt the need of libraries. The 1^st general library was at Dhobi Talao (June 7, 1845). Those who could not buy newspapers, periodicals, magazines had free access to that public library.

This news spread and many libraries were established

-       In Pune – Nagar Vachan Mandir – 1848

-       Kolhapur – General Library – 1850

-       Amravati – City Library – 1867

-       Konkan, Ratnagiri, Vengurla, Sawantwadi and Malwan

 

THE ROLE OF THE PRESS IN THE LAST QUARTER OF THE 19^TH CENTURY

People all over Maharashtra did pay a lot of attention to the press, to news, read newspapers. The literate people too gained a lot through the press.

 

PRESS AS A NEW FORCE IN MAHARASHTRA

With the spread of education and opening up of libraries the newly elected people in the mofussils were eager to read about secular matter not merely the stories from Hindu mythology.

Chiplunkar’s classical style won him the title of ‘Shivaji of Marathi Language’. It was Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar who was one of the founder of Kesari along with G. G. Agarkar and Tilak.

Jyotirao Phule started a periodical – Sarita (river) 1885 which helped him to organize Satyashodhak Samaj

One magazine edited by non Brahmin was Deenabandhu of Kolhapure (1877) edited by Bhalekar.

 

THE VERNACULAR PRESS ACT 1878

The outbreak of famine in Maharashtra in 1876-77 and in many parts of India created an explosive situation. By 1877 the press in India had become very powerful. There were about 644 newspapers in India out of which about a 100 were in Maharashtra. The British government acted as guardian of the people of India.

Conclusion

The role of the press in promoting knowledge among the ever-increasing readers of the popular dailies, weeklies and magazines cannot be denied. Thus, we can say that the Marathi press not only promoted enlightenment among the people but also enriched the language and emerged as a great single force to mould public opinion in Maharashtra.

 

 

 

 

SOCIAL REFORMERS IN MAHARASHTRA (1900-1920)

Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade explained to the social reformers of Maharashtra that ‘the change which they should all seek is thus a change from constraint to freedom, from cruelty to faith, from status to contract, from authority to reason, from unorganized to organized life, from blind fate to a sense of human dignity’.

The issue on which controversies raged in the 19^th century included questions such as child marriage and widow remarriage. Efforts were made to educate women in particular and get their rights reorganized. Several of the social reformers in the 19^th century belonged to the upper class.

When the 1^st wife of M. G. Ranade passed away in October 1873 his father arranged his marriage within 2 months and instead of marrying a widow Ranade gave his consent to marry a girl chosen for him by his father. Justice K. T. Telang had to agree to celebrate the marriage of his 8-year-old daughter though he had always condemned child marriage. Gopal Deshmukh did not dare to attend a wedding of a widow. Men like R. G. Bhandarkar and D. A. Karve patiently bore the brunt of the boycott imposed by the orthodox sections of the society which did not like their active support to the cause of widow remarriage. Tilak as a leader of Maharashtra in the 19^th century believed that the attainment of Swaraj was the key to the problems in India. He opposed every attempt made by social reformers to seek help from the alien government for introducing social reform through legislation.

During the present century the emphasis slowly shifted from their form of the social institution of family to the revolt against the caste system. Tilak’s failure to understand the legitimate aspirations and apprehensions of the non-Brahmin castes alienated him to their leaders. The gulf between Tilak and the non-Brahmin leaders widened further when the British government in August 1917 assured Indians a share I power and announced its policy of encouraging increasing associations of Indians with the administration of India.

The situation changed when Gandhiji took over the leadership of the congress and the nationalist struggle for independence. According to Rajaji, the Mahatma integrated social and religious reform with political activity in the congress and changed the whole character of the congress.

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had emerged as the unchallenged leader of the depressed classes in Maharashtra and was recognized as a leader of national states by the scheduled castes in all parts of India. He organized the untouchables and agitated for their rights. Despite Gandhijis persistent efforts to improve the Harijans, Ambedkar bitterly criticized Gandhiji for defending the Chatur Varna System.

The important social reformers of Maharashtra are:

Bal Shashtri Jambhekar

Gopal Hari Deshmukh (Lokhitwadi)

Jotirao Govindrao Phule

Ramkrishnan Gopal Bhandarkar

Mahadeo Govind Ranade

Gopal Ganesh Agarkar

Dhondo Keshav Karve

Vitthal Ramji Shinde

Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj

GOPAL HARI DESHMUKH (LOKHITWADI)

 

-       Assess the contribution of Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh to the growth of Liberal Thought in Maharashtra

-       ‘The Shatpatre and the Swadkyaya hold the key to an understanding of Lokhitwadi G. H. Deshmukh’. Elucidate

-       critically examine N.R.Pathak’s statement that ‘Lokhitwadi was the first Maharashtrian to attempt an analysis of the Hindu society from the economic point of view’.

-       Discuss the nature of religious dissent and social protest expressed by Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh through the press.

-       Examine Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh’s critique of the contemporary society.

The English educated generation in Maharashtra began to examine the old traditions, the old institutions, old values, old customs and visages, subjugating them to the test of reason. On such re-examination, they felt the urgent need to reform the society to suit the new environment. Three thought currents of different types emerged as a consequence. These were represented by three outstanding personalities viz. Gopal Hari Deshmukh alias Lokhitwadi, Vishnubuwa Bramhahari and Jyotiba Phule. These thought currents may be designated as ‘all sided reformism’, ‘revivalism’ and ‘populism’ respectively.

Gopal Hari Deshmukh, popularly known as Lokhitwadi, was the pioneer of all sided reformism in Maharashtra. He was a fine product of the new learning of the West. He laid the foundation of a broadbased intellectual renaissance in western India. He possessed a rare foresight and could predict the future course of events. Lokhitwadi was active throughout his life.

His name is connected with the establishment of a number of public institutions. His greatest impact however, was made through his journalistic and literary work. He wrote a number of booklets on current religious, social and economic problems.

His bigger books are mainly on historical topics. From 1848 onwards, he published a series of short articles in the periodical ‘Prabhakar’ on religious, social, political, economic and educational subjects. These one hundred and eight articles known as Shatapatre, were collected in 1860 as part of ‘Lokhitwadikrta Nibandhasangraha’. The Shatapatree represents an outspoken, impatient, penetrating analysis of the ills of society. He published a book entitled Svadhyaya Athava Aryavidyancha Krama, Vichar ani Pariksana (study of sequence of the Aryan learnings, thought and review) which is more moderate in its diction, gives the opinions of the experienced, mature reformer. The Shatapatree and the Svadhaya hold the key to an understanding of Lokhitwadi. Both books contain basically the same teaching; but the latter is more clearly in praise of the vedic times.

The Shatapatree reveals his unusual grasp of the new trend of events. One is surprised to see the modernity and the secularity of his outlook in so young an age. As he explained the effect of writing these letters in letter no.100, he wished that the people should know the real situation, reform themselves, achieve well-being in this world and attain happiness in the other. He wanted people to renounce their time-honored prejudices, indiscretion and foolishness. He appealed to his readers again and again to think for themselves and welcome the new learning with open mind. He spared no body and no follies of his countrymen, which were responsible for the present downtrodden state of the country. He was the first to challenge the age-old authority and traditions. He realized the importance of the western learning and the power of knowledge. True learning is search for knowledge. He earnestly wished to place before his fellowmen the new thought and the new vision.

He was convinced that this was essential to reform the society. He defined reform as a way to public good. The hundred epistles reveal his considered reflections on religion, politics, economic, social matters and administrative affairs. His criticism of social matters had a comprehensive bearing. The Epistles show his patriotic fervor and the deep love for his own country. They express the poignant grief felt by the intellectual class of Maharashtra at the loss of political independence of the country. He was the first to ponder over the causes, which were responsible to the loss of our independence. He attributed the loss to eight causes, which he called as ‘Hindushashtak’ (eight aggregate causes of the ruin of Hindus). To avoid overlapping in his argument, the causes he enumerated were ignorance, loss of learning, dominance of foolish Brahmin’s, misguided notions about religion, fatalism and blind traditionalism.

He had not produced a fictitious description based on somebody’s words or teachings. He did not write for profit or wealth, not with the purpose of gaining fame. He laboured so that the people might recognize their true condition and improve and some long outstanding opinions, which have taken firm root through thoughtlessness or stupidity may become fewer and disappear. For this purpose, he had laboured without renumeration as well as he could and of his own free will.

To many an old-fashioned person, several opinions of Lokhitwadi will appear unfavorable and against the Hindu religion. But this is mere imagination on their part, because there is nothing in them, which is unfavorable to the Hindu religion. All it is against is stupidity.

His letters give us an insight into what guided his journalism and his reform efforts throughout his life. He wrote: ‘I request all you people to begin to read, to read new books and newspapers and observe what is happening around you. Begin to realize that the British have many a good quality. God brought the British and you together in order that you may acquire these qualities. Become religious and intent on God. Without these virtues, everything is vain. Speak the truth, give up vicious desires, work for the improvement of religion and do not cast it aside, but interpret it according to the times. Spread the knowledge of God and the world among all the people. Stop being lazy. Appoint the really intelligent among you as leader. Proceed according to his directions. Let there be unity among all men. Keep in mind that there should be no split among us. Increase your knowledge and forge ahead. Watch continuously how the government functions, who is ruling and how he behaves. Stay well informed.

Compare with your ancient sciences, books, opinions, ideas, a hundred times better as many more. Sciences have now risen, examine them all. In your regard for wealth, do not stick to your laziness. Know that the bhats and pandits are just fools. Search for true morality. Learning means knowledge, it makes man pure, inquisitive, powerful’.

This text exhorts the people to open their minds to become inquisitive, to improve. At the same time Lokhitwadi pointed out equally clearly that their society was crippled by abuses.

Blue prints for a new outlook on life

Lokhitwadi used these and strong words to arouse people. But his criticism did not remain negative. He strove to pull down the ramshackle old hut, but he already had the blue prints of a new building to be erected in its place. The positive substance of his writings had stood the test of a century, and has kept its value even to this day.

 

Religion

In Lokhitwadi’s view a rational approach must be made to religion. He wrote: ‘Hindus have not yet started to think for themselves. It is still not clear to them that the mind is a big sacred book and that the written sacred books are all inferior to it’.

Judging his own religion from a practical point of view he came to the conclusion that the saying of the holy scriptures needed to be tested by reason. The Vedas were written by rishis who were writers and great saints, but not divine persons. Castes were originally based on the qualities of the people and their occupations, and not on a divine dispensation. The avatars were brave and virtuous heroes. The belief in reincarnation arose only in the Puranas. The effigy of mantras is imaginary. Astrology is false. It is proper to fight against the customs of Sati, cutting of hair of the widows, child marriage, prohibition of remarrying widows and similar practices. But religion, understood as a way to God, should not be disapproved.

The philosophical outlook of Lokhitwadi was that of the Prarthana Samaj. He held that there is only one ruler of the universe. The human soul and the absolute being are essentially different. The human soul is of inferior nature and God is almighty without limitation. The origin, preservation and destruction of the universe depends on him. The changes which effect the universe do not make it unreal. The reality of the world is a fact of experience. Lokhitwadi restricts the content of our knowledge of God, more than other members of the Prarthana Samaj did.

He also contributed his share to the growth of a liberal philosophy of political government. For this, he drew his main inspiration from the dynastic sequence of Jeremy Bentham, James Mill and J.S. Mill.

The state, he held is established to bring about the good of the people. After mentioning in praise of the British government, the new system of appointments based on competitive examinations, he wrote approvingly that: ‘all thoughtful people admit that the second aspect of the present form of government is that it preserves happiness and peace and promotes learning, justice, good behavior, freedom and many a work useful to the people. By this it strives to keep the people flourishing and satisfied; and the result of this can be easily experienced’.

The same utilitarian function of the government is also mentioned in a list of thirty-nine propositions, which in his view, had been neglected in India for a long time, but revived again through the influx of new ideas. One proposition runs as follows: ‘It should be the policy of the government to increase the knowledge and the wealth of the people day by day. Government has the duty to protect the freedom of the individual. In a good state, the views of the people are considered and its administration is based on their consent. The ruler should be elected by the people and can be removed if he abuses his position. Kings are not constituted by divine institution. The exercise of government should be based on law. All the citizens have the same rights and duties. For the protection of the state, the legislation should therefore be equal for all without distinction of caste or creed.

Lokhitwadi understood that this principle of equality should be applied also to the relations between the English and the Indians. He stated impatiently that both are men and contradiction some of his other statements, he added that the present form of government was not for the good of the Indians and did not give them the rights which were due to them. He wrote this as early as 1848. He called for the establishment of a Parliament in India for which the wisest should be elected irrespective of caste or religion or whether they were foreign or indigenous. This was a bold proposal. M. G. Ranade never went so far. 

According to Mathew Lederley, ‘Lokhitwadi was not an utilitarian. He was not baffled therefore by the problem of how to reconcile in the utilitarian scheme, the clash of interest between Indians. The utilitarian tells the Indian to give up his interest, his ‘self regarding interest’ in Bentham’s words and to accept the assurance of his governors that in doing this he is following his true interest.

 

Views on economic matters

Lokhitwadi had acquired a varied experience in the course of his official duties in different parts of Maharashtra and a place like Ahmedabad which formed a part of Bombay Presidency. His rationalism inspired him to spot out inconsistencies, pretensions and absurdities. Just as he critically viewed the social condition of the Hindu society, he also turned his attention to the inequalities and injustices perpetuated by the nature and English officials in matters of taxes and levies. The excise on liquor gave the exchequer a substantial amount. Drinking was being encouraged so that more money could be available to the government. He condemned the attitude of the government to ruin the health of the people for filling the coffers of the government. He declared, ‘People are the mother of the government. If the government, disregarding the health of the people, would result in the poverty of the people the government finance would be adversely affected.

In 1894, he wrote, ‘History of Gujarat’. He added an appendix entitled, ‘Comparison of Governments’ (Rajyatulana). He compared the merits and demerits of the native and foreign rule. He concluded that in the British regime taxes, customs, excise duties and other charges were excessive as compared to the late government. It does little credit to the enlightened government of the East India Company that they have kept the rayat dissatisfied with their revenue policy. It would be better if this government would adopt welfare measures as the Marathas had done. He also denounced the policy of favoritism and distinctions followed in dealing with natives and European persons. In the course of his official duty, he came across many instances of Partisan spirit and economic injustice to the people of Maharashtra.

 

Swadeshi and boycott

Padhye and Tikekar would consider Lokhitwadi as a pioneer of the Swadesh and boycott movements of later years. While analyzing the poverty and unemployment in Maharashtra, he focused light on the dumping of goods by the Englishmen in our markets to the detriment of native merchants. Our people should resolve not to buy goods of other countries and buy only indigenous articles even though they may be of inferior quality. The cotton buyer should decide not to sell raw cotton to the foreigners and sell them only textile goods. He advised them to stop buying English goods and selling our finished goods. We should shun the foreign goods and patronize indigenous goods even if they might be coarse textiles. It is remarkable for Lokhitwadi to show the audacity to hurt the rulers at the most vulnerable points inspite of his being in the service of the English government. However the approach was amateurish.

Lokhitwadi respected Justice Ranade in more than one respect. Like Ranade, he considered social reform absolutely necessary for the political emancipation of India. Like Ranade, he regarded British rule in India as divinely ordained but he was not a blind admirer of the British rule. Both were students of economics and champions of swadeshi. Both advocated industrialization of the country. He was however, so very radical in his prescription of the method of achieving self government that he may be called the morning star of the National Movement of India.

THE RISING OF THE RAMOSIS AT POONA (1826-29)

The Ramosis served in the Maratha police administration in the lower ranks. After the final defeat of the Marathas in 1818, the British administration of the Bombay province found it difficult to restore order in the region immediately. The new administration was unable to absorb the Ramosis in the police administration. Consequently, a vast body of unemployed but assured men, included Ramosis, were thrown open – the former territories of the Peshwa. They were prepared to train anyone who would provide them suitable employment and even to help in the attempt to overthrow the British power.

In 1825, the economic distress resulting from scarcity and reduction in the number of soldiers in the local Poona garrison, adversely affected the Ramosis. Hence under the leadership of Umaji Naik and Bapu Trimbabji Sawant, they rose in revolt and restored to outlawry. From 1826 to 1829, they committed many excessed in the hills around the fort of Torna. They proved to be so turbulent that the government was forced to pardon many of their crimes and placated them by granting lands as well as recruiting them as hill police. However, their risings were quelled by the British garrison.

Nevertheless, the Ramosis continued to cause trouble to the authorities by attacking their oppressors like money lenders.

UMAJI NAIK

Leader, courageous man and patriot

Ramoshis are a predatory tribe that migrated from Telangana and settled down in Maharashtra during the Maratha period. Maratha rulers utilized their services in an effective manner. Important duties like night patrolling were entrusted to them. In the new British Raj, they were not ready to reconcile.

Umaji Naik was their leader, he had set up small principalities, small Vatandars. He gave harsh treatment to British officials and to the people who were loyal to them. Bhar and Kolhapur rulers were also supporting him. Some influential brahmins gave him necessary guidance.

In 1828, he demanded Watan rights from the British officials, if not, he threatened them that ‘thousand rebellions will arise’. Special police force were raised in Ahmednagar to check Umaji Naik. In 1829, he got 129 Bighan land and thus a trust came into force.

In 1830, there were fresh troubles. Mackintosh led on behalf of British (10^th December 1830). Umaji naik was captured. The British took the help of his sisters who were promised four villages, employing such treacherous means he was captured and hanged. He gave up his life for the country.

He was not a decoit or a plunderer. He kept Shivaji as his ideal. Bombay Gazetteer described him as ‘Second Shivaji’. He is a hero of several anecdotes in Maharashtra and is a legendary figure. Several literary marks of films are made on his Robinhood style of life.

DADOBA PANDURANG TARKHADKAR (1814-1882)

Dadoba Pandurang was associated with Bal Shastri Jambhekar when they studied together and lived at Bapu Chhatre’s house. He outlived Bal Shastri by 36 years. He acted as a link between the reformers of the early forties and was also associated with the reformers of the eighties. He was very much influenced by Ram Mohan Roy and other leaders of the Bramho Samaj. The movement that he started had however an origin and growth of its own.

Dadoba Pandurang was an educator. His grammar book acquired great popularity in Mahar. He was principal of Gujarati school at Surat, then a part of Bombay Presidency. There he was joined by Dayaram Mancuram, one of the teachers of that school in promoting social reforms.

They founded the Association of Religion of Manking (Manava-Dharma sabha) in 1844. In his book ‘Dharma Vivechana’ published in 1843 he had expressed his ideas about God and religion. The Association which was founded in 1844 practically borrowed its contents and formulated them as the tenets of the Association of the Religion of Mankind. The Association represented a universalism in religion and social life. This new religion was given a broad base of rationalism. This association could hardly survive after the departure of Dadoba from Surat in 1846.

Jamshedkar had already attempted to remove some absurd features and superstitious beliefs under the name of religion. Dadoba went one step ahead and wanted a rethinking on this very sensitive and vital subject of common interest.

Dadoba’s rationalism makes a special contribution to the thought of the western educated gentry in Bombay and the cities in Maharashtra. His campaigns against sorcerers and enchanters suggested that he considered it a duty of the educated people to clear the cobwebs of superstitions from the minds of the mass of people. The foundation of the ‘Paramhansa Sabha’ showed the way for others to follow. It was nor religion that was the chief concern of the Sabha but the rational attitude that was provoked in the public mind against unscientific ideas, was its chief objective.

There were quite a number of educated people entertaining ideas to reform Hinduism and save the society by eradication fo all sorts of defilement. Among those who held identical views on religions and social matters were Dadoba's younger brother Dr. Atmaram Pandurang Tarbhadkar, Ram Balkrishna Jaykar, Moroba Vinoba, Tukaram Tatya, Balubhau Shintre, Sakharam Shastri, Laxmanshastri Halve, Bhikoba Laxman and Sakharam Laxman Chavan were prominent. They regarded these two features of Hinduism as highly objectionable.

 

EXAMINE THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PRAYAG ASSEMBLY OF HARSHAVARDHAN'S TIME

Prayag was an important town where Harsha used to hold his quinquennial assemblies. It was one of the great nerve centers of Hinduism. The assemblies at Prayag, where he distributed all his wealth among the Buddhists, the Brahmans and the poor people, after performing religious rites of Buddhism and Hinduism, stand unparalleled in the history of the world.

After the conclusion of the special assembly at Kanauj, Harsha invited Hiuen Tsang to attend his sixth quinquennial assembly of distribution of alms (Mahamokshaparishad) and religious festivities at Prayag at the sacred confluence of the Ganges and the Yamuna in 643 A.D. Harsha had held five such assemblies earlier. On such occasions, he distributed among the poor and religious all the accumulated wealth. The assembly of 643 A.D. was attended by Dhruvasena II of Valabhi, Baskaravarman of Assam and several other subordinate kings and a huge crowd of 500,000, belonging to different religions. The assembly was opened with an impressive procession and the proceedings lasted for seventy-five days in the vast sandy plain between the rivers.

The proceedings at the Prayag assembly curiously manifested the eclectic blend of mind. On the first day the image of Buddha was set up in one of the temporary shrines built upon the sands and was worshipped with costly offerings and lavish distributions. On the second day the image of Adityadeva (Sun) was worshipped and on the third day the idol of Siva was adored. On the fourth day, generous gifts were distributed to ten thousand select Buddhist monks. Each received one hundred gold coins, a pearl, a cotton garment, besides food, drink, flowers and perfumes. During the next twenty days the Brahmins received royal gifts. Jains and members of other sects were similarly given gifts for the next ten days. They were followed by mendicants for equal number of days. It took a month to distribute alms to the poor, destitute and orphans. This generous and lavish distribution exhausted Harsha’s accumulated wealth for the last five years. Finally, Harsha even gave up his personal belongings. At the end of the assembly, Harsha offered worship to the Buddha of the ten regions. Shortly after the end of this spectacular Prayag assembly Hiuen Tsang took leave of Harsha and returned to China with 657 volumes of rare manuscripts.  

EXAMINE THE EFFECTS OF ALEXANDERS INVASION

EFFECTS OF ALEXANDERS INVASION (REF: B. N. LUNIA)

Alexander’s invasion did not create any impression on the minds of the Indians as it was confined to the western part of India. His expedition at best remained a mere raid on frontier provinces. Though he annexed Gandhara and the Indus Valley to the Macedonian Empire, they soon became independent and all traces of the short-lived Greek rule disappeared from India within two years of Alexander’s death. There is, therefore, little wonder if Indians ignored Alexander’s expedition. He came like a hurricane, stayed in India for nineteen months and departed from India leaving the heart of the country untouched.

For Indians he was a mere invader who disturbed the peace of a part of the country for some time and went away, eclipsing Chengiz Khan and Timur in committing atrocities and shedding considerable blood. Viewed from the broader stand-point, Alexander’s invasion, therefore, could have no importance. It was a mere raid that did not attract even the attention of the Indian writers.

Then, judging his generalship from the events in India, Alexander does not appear to be an outstanding figure and distinguished military genius. All that he achieved in India was a hard fought victory over Porus – a king of a petty state in Punjab, and that too, with the help of an Indian king, Ambhi, a bitter enemy of Porus and one who had betrayed the nation by unhinging the doors of India to a foreigner. In fact, it was a victory of a great general over a petty chief in a distant corner of India. His defeat did not affect the rest of India, much less was it a triumph of the West over the East.

But it seems that if the Indians have underestimated the importance of Alexander’s expedition, the Greeks have equally exaggerated it. The Greek writers like Arrian Curtius, etc., have exaggerated the significance of the event by devoting page after page to its description. They have taken pains to describe his campaigns and conquests in minutest details. To them Alexander was one of the greatest conquerors of the world.

However, it is wrong for the Indians to ignore Alexander’s invasion completely. It had direct and immediate result on the course of Indian History.

1. By seriously crippling the number of small warring kingdoms and tribes that abounded in the Punjab and Sind, Alexander paved the way for Chandragupta to give to the north-west India a political unity and make it a strong integral portion of the empire of Magadha. Thus, if Mahapadmananda was the predecessor of Chandragupta Maurya in the east, Alexander was the fore-runner of that Empire in the West.

2. Though the Punjab and Sind began to enjoy the blessings of a unified rule as the direct and immediate result of Alexander’s invasion, the Indians ignored the superiority of the Greek art of warfare. The Indian rulers and their military captains seem to have paid no heed to the Greek mode of warfare. They stuck to their traditional methods of fighting and continued for centuries to place their chief reliance on their elephant brigades.

3. But there is one historical gain in the date of Alexander’s invasion i.e., 326 B. C. The clearly dated records of Alexander’s Indian campaign left by his companions helped to build Indian chronology for subsequent political events on a definite basis. The date of Alexander’s invasion, in fact, forms the sheet anchor of Indian chronology.

In addition to this, the invasion brought in India a number of Greeks of eminence, who wrote the accounts of that time, and they have become important source of early Indian history. The original works of these Greek writers are lost, but quotations taken from them by latter writers are available today and it is from these fragments that we get a detailed picture of the political, social and religious conditions of India at that time.

4. Some historians think that Alexander’s campaign resulted in the opening up of new lines of communication and new routes for trade and maritime enterprise, which brought India and the West into closer contact with each other, facilitating cultural exchange between them.

Strabo points out that the Oxus (Amu Daria) joined a link in an important chain along which the Indian goods were carried to the European countries by way of the Caspian and the Black Sea. Patroclus, an admiral in the service of Antiochus I, the successor of Seleucus Nikator, also remarked that the route was a popular one in the third century B.C. Evidence of a brisk trade with India is also furnished by the coins of Greek models minted in Babylon and found in large numbers in the frontier province of India.

5. in addition to the above effects, the following distinct cultural effects of Alexander’s campaign must also be noted. The Greek kingdoms in Syria, Bactria and other parts of Asia which had been established on the disruption of Alexander’s Empire, produced, in the course of time, close cultural contact between India and Europe. It was this contact with these Indo Greek or Indo Bactrian kings that was responsible for the improvement of the Indian coinage. The coins of the Indo Greek rulers which were discovered in Taxila replace the older Indian Punch marked and ill shaped ones and the subsequent coins of India were cast on well shaped Greek models.

Another result of the contact, it is said, is that the system of Indian astronomy is largely influenced by the Hellenic system.

Again, during the reign of the great emperor Kanishka, Bactria formed a part of his empire. He invited, it is said, many Greeco-Bactrian sculptors to Gandhara for making images of the Buddha and Boddhisattvas. They blended the Greek and the Indian Art in image making. This led to the growth of a new type of sculpture, known as the Gandhara School of Art. It is another distant and distinct effect of Alexander’s campaign.

As regards to the Greeks, they learned a good deal of sciences, arts, philosophy, mathematics and medicine from India during the period of this contact. Indian philosophy greatly influenced Greek thought and culture. A host of Indians went to Greece and Asia minor and there the ideas of the East might have percolated. It has been also suggested that after the formation of the Greek kingdom in the northwest of India, Indian philosophy affected even Christianity.

WHAT LED TO THE DOWNFALL OF THE MAURYAN EMPIRE? WAS ASHOKA RESPONSIBLE FOR IT?

The causes for the downfall of the Mauryan Empire (Mauryan Empire broke up 50 years after the death of Ashoka 232 B.C.)

There is something almost dramatic in the way in which the Mauryan Empire declined and disappeared after the death of Ashoka. The decline was complete within half a century after the death of Ashoka. The reasons given by historians for such a rapid decline are as conflicting as they are confusing. Some of the very obvious and other controversial causes for the decline of the Mauryan empire are described as follows:

1. The partition of the Mauryan Empire – An immediate cause for the decline was the partition of the Mauryan Empire into two halves. ‘Had the partition not taken place, the Greek invasions of the north-west could have been held back for a while. The partition of the empire disrupted the various services as well’.

2. Weak later Mauryan rulers – The succession of weak Mauryan rulers after Ashoka completely disrupted the Mauryan Administration. The weakness of these rulers can be imagined from the fact that as many as six rulers could rule only 52 years over the Eastern part of the Empire and finally the last Mauryan King was assassinated by his own commander-in-chief Pusyamitra Sunga. These weak late Mauryan rulers could also not continue the traditional policies of the Mauryas.

3. Ashokas responsibility for the decline – Many scholars have accused Ashoka as being directly responsible for the decline of the Mauryan Empire. H. C. Raychaudhari maintains that Ashoka’s pacifist policies were responsible for undermining the strength of the empire. He says, ‘From the time of Bimbisara to Kalinga War the History of India the story of the expansion of Magadh form a tiny state in South Bihar to a gigantic empire extending from the foot of the Hindukush to the borders of the Tamil country. After the Kalinga war ensued a period of stagnation at the end of which the process is reversed. The Empire gradually dwindled down in extent till it sank to the position from which Bimbisara and his successors had raised it’. However, Raychaudhuri’s view does not seem to be tenable because Ashoka did not turn complete pacifist after the Kaling War in view of the fact that he neither demobilized the Mauryan army nor abolished capital punishment. Ashoka only gave up the imperialist policy and preached non violence after the Kalinga War. Such practical Pacifism could not have been responsible for the decline of the Mauryan Empire.

Harprasad Shastri holds the view that the decline of the Mauryan Empire was the result of the Brahmanical revolt on account of ban on animal sacrifices and undermining the prestige of the Brahmanas by ‘exposing them as false gods’. But Shastri’s views are merely hypothetical because first, Brahminism itself stresses nonviolence and secondly, Ashoka only banned the unnecessary slaughter of certain animals on certain auspicious days. Then again Ashoka’s frequent requests in his edicts for due respect to Brahmanas and Sramanas hardly points to his being anti Brahmanical in outlook.

4. Pressure on Mauryan Economy – D. D. Kosambi has expressed the opinion that there was considerable pressure on Mauryan economy under the later Mauryas. This view is based on the increase of taxes of taxes and debasement of later Mauryan punch marked coins. But contrary to the above, the foreign accounts and the material remains of the period give a picture of an expanding economy.

5. Highly centralized administration – Prof. Romila Thapar is of the view ‘The machinery of the Mauryan administrative system was so centralized the an able ruler could use it both to his own advantage and that of his people. To the same degree it could become harmful to both under a weak ruler who would lose its central control and allow forces of decay to disintegrate and wreck it. The weakening of the central control under the later Mauryas led automatically to a weakening of the administration. The division of the Mauryan empire after the death of Ashoka must have given further blow to the centralized Mauryan administration under the weak later-Mauryan rulers, leading to the decline and disintegration of the Mauryan Empire.

Other factors of importance contributing to the decline of the Mauryan empire have been described as Brahmanical revolt against the pro Buddhist policies of Ashoka and his successors, oppressive provincial governments and people’s revolt against Mauryan oppression, lack of representative institutions and national unity in Mauryan India. But except for the first two causes – Ashokas weak successors and division of the Mauryan Empire after Ashoka’s death – the other causes described above have weaknesses in their argument and therefore, cannot be called as positively responsible for the decline of the Mauryan Empire.