PRESS DURING EMERGENCY

 There was a swing away from freedom of the press to control and the imposition of restrictions on the press by the government during the period when Nehru’s daughter Mrs. Indira Gandhi became prime minister.

While Nehru was a liberal and believed in freedom of the press, Mrs. Indira Gandhi was authoritarian and believed in curbing of the press. Unlike Nehru who tolerated criticism, she felt that the press was too critical of her policies and sought to chain the press.

During her regime, she expected that the press should blindly support her government without questioning her ability to deliver the goods. It should be “committed” to her party and her government and act as its spokesman. Various threats were held out by Government and steps proposed to curb that section of the press, which was thought to be the most independent. A propaganda barrage was mounted against the press, which appeared to be not easily amenable to the wishes of the Government.

In 1971, the government led by Mrs. Gandhi made its first attempt to control the press when her own ministry of Information and Broadcasting prepared a draft scheme to “diffuse” the monopoly press, i.e., ownership of newspapers with a circulation of more than 15,000.

In fact, in the Parliament she had gone to the extent of declaring that freedom of the press did not mean going against the national policy of the country.

Mrs. Gandhi got the opportunity to curb the press when war was declared with Pakistan in 1971. On December 4th the Defense and Internal Security of India Act was signed into law. This Act imposed upon the press restrictions similar to those of the Newspapers Incitement to Offences Act of 1908, the Indian Press Act of 1910, the Indian Press Ordinance of 1930 and the Indian Press (Emergency Press) Act of 1931: it prohibited the printing or publishing of any newspaper, book or other document detrimental to the defense and security of India; it provided for the demand of security from any newspaper or publisher or the forfeiture of security already given; it empowered the Government to confiscate copies of any printed matter which might be inflammatory and to close down the presses; and it empowered the state and local Governments to impose censorship.

Mrs. Gandhi’s antipathy to the press continued and got further intensified after the declaration of internal emergency on June 26, 1975. The emergency lasted for 19 months and this period is considered to be the darkest period in the post-independence history of the freedom of the press.

The same day, under her direction, the Government issued the “Central Censorship Order” and “Guidelines for the Press in the present Emergency”. It was for the first time in post-independence India, stringent pre-censorship, which was something unknown and alien to the people of free India, was imposed on the press.

The Central Censorship Order, addressed to all printers, publishers and editors, prohibited the publication of news, comments, rumours, or other reports relating to actions taken by the Government in any newspaper, periodical or other documents without their first being submitted for scrutiny to an authorized officer of the Government. The Chief Censor of the Government was given total responsibility of supervising and directing the entire censorship operation throughout the country.

 

On February 11, 1976, with the approval of the legislature, Mrs. Gandhi’s Government presented journalists with the Prevention of Publication of Objectionable Matters Act of 1976. Included in it were all the provisions of suppression contained in the 1908, 1910, 1930, 1931, 1932 and 1951 Acts.

The provisions of this act extending to the entire territory of India were made effective retroactive to December 8, 1975.The Act empowered the central Government or the competent authority (officers above a certain rank in the central and state Governments and union territories) to prohibit publications detrimental to the sovereignty and integrity of India, friendly relations with foreign countries, public order, decency, morality or publications inciting the breaking of law.

It also empowered competent authority to serve warning, to demand security or declare security forfeit, or to demand further security from publishers and printers suspected of printing Objectionable Matters. It empowered the central Government or competent authority to shut down or confiscate printing presses for failure to furnish the required deposits, to confiscate objectionable literature and to impose jail terms and fines for violations.

Customs officers were given authority to confiscate objectionable materials and state police officers to seize unauthorized newspapers and news-sheets. Metropolitan magistrates, chief judicial magistrates and first class magistrates were authorized to issue warrants to enter establishments for the confiscation of printing presses and to seize objectionable newspapers and news-sheets.

In a report presented before Parliament, it was revealed that during the emergency Mrs. Gandhi ruthlessly distorted and manipulated the country press, radio and television media.

There were two Commissions set up by the Government after Emergency to enquire into excesses related to the press.

According to the Das Commission Report, 253 journalists were arrested during the state of Emergency. Fifty-one journalists and cameramen were deprived of accreditation, seven foreign correspondents were expelled from the country and twenty-nine foreign correspondents were banned from entering India. The commission further charged that Mrs. Gandhi used the press to distort the news.

The Shah Commission’s findings charged Mrs. Gandhi’s Government with the following:-

• The Government resorted to cutting off the electricity of newspaper offices on June 26, the day after the emergency was proclaimed in order to buy time to set up the apparatus of the censorship. Three days later when the censorship machinery was set up, the power supply was resumed.

• The Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting designated newspapers as either hostile, friendly or neutral and issued instructions to withhold or reduce advertisements from hostile and neutral newspapers and to increase advertisements in friendly newspapers.

• The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting ordered a study of the newspapers over the six month period preceding the emergency in order to determine each newspaper’s attitude to Government and to penalize it accordingly.

With the exception of the few journalists and newspapers, most of the Indian press yielded to the Government’s wishes. The Indian press during the Emergency, described by David Loshak as “India’s Sterile Press” filled with the insipid handouts of the Ministry of Information. Every spark of intellectual independence had been snuffed out and what was reported appeared to be nothing more than Government propaganda.

There is a clear contrast between Nehru and Indira Gandhi’s attitude to the press, which was the result of the difference between the personality and values of these two prime ministers.

While Nehru welcomed criticism of his government by the press, Indira Gandhi hated criticism of her government. Nehru’s period was characterized by cooperation and understanding between the government and the press, but Indira Gandhi’s period was characterized by hostility and confrontation between government and the press.

Nehru believed that the press should express the wishes and grievances of the people but Mrs. Gandhi believed that the press should be the spokesman of the government. Durga Das, head of India News and Features Alliance, has rightly observed her attitude towards the press:“Mrs. Gandhi does not accept the basic philosophy of a newspaper that it has to convey the people’s problems, not the government view, that a columnist must carry the voice of dissent in the corridors of power. It is the best safety valve a government has. Her father understood that”.

The emergency was lifted in March 1977 and in the subsequent elections Mrs. Gandhi lost power and the JANATA Party under the Prime Ministership of Morarji Desai came into the power. This marked the swing from control of the press back to freedom of the press and removal of all restrictions upon it. While Mrs. Gandhi was authoritarian, Morarji Desai was liberal in personality and values. The Press began to act with great vigour almost as a rebound after the Emergency was lifted. In an interview following assumption of the Prime Minister’s office, Desai said: “Fundamental rights should never be touched, whether there is an emergency or not.

They must be maintained under the constitution.”

On April 18, within one month of taking the reins of the government, Desai obtained the approval of both Houses of Parliament and the signature of the President for repeal of the Prevention of Publication of the objectionable Matter Act of 1976, and approving the Parliamentary Proceedings (Protection of Publication) Act of 1977.

Freedom of the press thus returned to India, and the status of the press was restored to that of the pre-emergency era. In speeches and in actions, Desai demonstrated his unwavering support for maintaining a free press and this put him in favour with journalists and readers alike. He appointed L.K. Advani as his Minister for Information and Broadcasting. Like many other ministers in Desai’s new Government, Advani had served a term in jail during the emergency; but more importantly, he was a journalist, having served as a Joint Editor of Organizer from 1960 to 1967. During the first week of his appointment, Advani declared his intention to repeal the legislation curbing the press.

The JANATA Party lost power in the elections held in December 1979. Since January 1980, with the change of Government, the attitude of the Government of India toward the press reverted back to one of antipathy and confrontation. There was a swing towards restricting freedom of the press again when Mrs. Gandhi returned to power. Many of the new State Governments which came to power in the middle of 1980 showed active hostility to the press. Instances of threats to the free functioning of the press were not uncommon. Indira Gandhi herself indicated more than once her dislike of the manner in which what was called the National Press operated.

On January 15, the day after taking office, Mrs. Gandhi cautioned the press to be more objective and to exercise self restraint. She said that there would not be a censorship as long as the press behaved responsibly. In a Press Conference held in September13, 1979, she said: “Censorship was a special remedy for a very severe, acute disease. We don’t think that particular disease will hit the country again. Nor do we want to give the same medicine

Indira Gandhi’s son, Rajiv Gandhi, became Prime Minister after the assassination of his mother in 1984. He came to power on the crest of a wave of sympathy after his mother’s death and so he had a smooth relationship with the public and the press for the first few years. The press started becoming critical of his government afterwards and so he got the Defamation Bill, 1988, passed in Lok Sabha, thereby making an attempt to suppress the press. This was an indication of a swing from freedom of the press in the first three years to restriction of this freedom in the last two years of his rule. The mounting pressure of the public and the press forced the government to withdraw the Bill without referring it to the Rajya Sabha. However, it showed that like his mother, Rajiv Gandhi could not tolerate criticism of his government and was willing to curtail the freedom of the press.

 

Conclusion

It is evident from the history of freedom of the press during the past two centuries from its inception in the 1780s to 1980s that the Government of India took measures both during the pre and post-independence period to curtail the freedom of the press. 

There were more Governor Generals and Viceroys who passed laws imposing restrictions on the press than those who relaxed such restrictions. After independence also, laws continued to be passed imposing restrictions on the press. There was always confrontation between the government and the press with the press waging a battle to preserve its freedom against the powers of the government. It is a tribute to the resilience of the press in the face of such heavy odds that it continued to grow in numbers as well as influence throughout this period. This is because the press from the beginning had the sanction of public opinion and the gradually developing democratic tradition in India.

Watch the video by clicking the link: Press During Emergency

AVERAGE FREQUENCY - MAGAZINE - SOLVED SUM

Find the Average Frequency of the advertisement in the magazine using the data given below:

Readership: Magazine A = 35,000

                      Magazine B = 45,000

                     Magazine C = 55,000

Duplication: Magazine A with Mag B = 5000; with Mag C = 4000

                      Magazine B with Mag A = 5000; with Mag C = 2000

                     Magazine C with Mag A = 4000; with Mag B = 2000

Insertions: Mag A = 2; Mag B = 4; Mag C = 6

 

Solution:

MAGAZINE	READERSHIP	DUPLICATION MAG A	DUPLICATION MAG B	DUPLICATION MAG C	INSERTIONS
A	35,000	-	5000	4000	2
B	45,000	5000	-	2000	4
C	55,000	4000	2000	-	6

 

Average frequency – OTS / Net readership

 

OTS = Readership X Insertions

 

Mag A = 35000 X 2 = 70000

Mag B = 450000 X 4 = 180000

Mag C = 55000 X 6 = 330000

 

OTS = 580000

 

Net readership = Readership – Duplication

 

Mag A = 35000 – 9000 = 26000

Mag B = 45000 – 7000 = 38000

Mag C = 55000 – 6000 = 49000

 

Net Readership = 113000

 

 

Average Frequency = 580000/113000 = 5.13

FOUNDATION COURSE I SYLLABUS

 

HISTORY OF FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN INDIA AFTER INDEPENDENCE

The history of freedom of the press before India’s independence was characterized by a swing between imposition and relaxation of restrictions on the press. The attitude to the press depended on the personality and values of those in power at that time. The swing from freedom of the press to control of the press has persisted in the post-independence period again depending on the personality and values of those in power.

Before independence, the attitude to the press depended on the Governor Generals and Viceroys in power and after independence, the attitude to the press depended on the Prime Minister at that time.

In the post-independence era the press enjoyed a large measure of freedom because Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minster of India was a liberal who realized that for the successful functioning of democratic set-up, the freedom of the press was absolutely necessary.

Nehru had a liberal outlook. He was a democrat and welcomed criticism, whether it was from political parties or from newspapers. During his regime, the press was tolerated as he was quite generous in overlooking and ignoring its criticism of his government’s policies and programs. To him, criticism was a way in which the working of the government could be improved and so not only to be tolerated, but also to be encouraged.

Knowing the dangers of arbitrary government in the absence of free press, Nehru once said: “To my mind the freedom of the press is not just a slogan from the larger point of view, but it is an essential attribute of the democratic process. I have no doubt that even if the Government dislikes the liberties taken by the press and considers them dangerous, it is wrong to interfere with the freedom of the press. I would rather have a completely free press with all the dangers involved in the wrong use of that freedom than a suppressed or a regulated press”

Although Nehru was a liberal and believed in freedom of the press, but he was forced to enact laws curbing freedom of the press after independence in order to check increasing writings with communal overtones. He found that the press was contributing to the already difficult situation created by the partition of India on communal lines. On October 23, 1951 he got new Act passed called “The Press Objectionable Matters Act”. It was similar to the legislation passed during the British regime in 1908, 1910, 1930 and 1931. This Act was a reflection of Nehru’s concern over the newspapers’ role in rousing communal discontent in India. Objectionable matters included any words, signs, or visible representations which were likely to incite or encourage any person to resort to violence or sabotage for the purpose of overthrowing or undermine the Government, or to interfere with supply and distribution of food or other essential commodities or services. The passaging of this act brought protest from editors and journalists throughout India. The All India Newspapers Editors’ Conference, the Indian Federation of Working Journalists (IFWJ), and the Language Newspapers Association passed resolutions protesting against the Press (Objectionable Matters) Act. Delegations and protests were made to Nehru and other members of the Government. Thus, although Nehru helped the passage of the 1951Act, he did not implement it vigorously.

Finally, in order to quiet the journalists, Nehru, in October1952, announced the formation of the Press Commission composed of distinguished personalities to look into the whole issue of the press in India. The Press (Objectionable Matters) Act was allowed to lapse in 1956. The Press Commission Report issued its recommendations in 1954.

The fact that Nehru was a liberal and did not favour the imposition of restrictions was shown during the Chinese aggression. Even during the 1961Declaration of Emergency which he called to deal with the Chinese incursions on India’s borders, the imposition of restrictions was minimal applying only to news relating to India’s defences. There was no concentrated attempt made by Nehru Government to systematically censor the press.

AVERAGE FREQUENCY - MAGAZINE - SIMPLIFIED EXAMPLE

 

MAGAZINE	READERSHIP	DUPLICATION MAG A	DUPLICATION MAG B	DUPLICATION MAG C	INSERTIONS
A	40	-	15	10	3
B	50	10	-	-	2
C	45	10	5	-	2

 

Average frequency – OTS / Net readership

 

OTS = Readership X Insertions

 

Mag A = 40 X 3 = 120

Mag B = 50 X 2 = 100

Mag C = 45 X 4 = 90

 

OTS = 310

 

Net readership = Readership – Duplication

 

Mag A = 40 – 25 = 15

Mag B = 50 – 10 = 40

Mag C = 45 – 15 = 30

 

Net Readership = 85

 

 

Average Frequency = 310/85 = 3.64

MEDIA AUDIT

 Media auditing is the practice of checking that the media that a client has bought is in the right places, at competitive prices. Being in the ‘right places’ is critical here: firstly, the audit has to establish that the media was transmitted, and if that is so, then that its placements are appropriate for the target audiences, environments and tasks that the advertising client needed for his brands.

 

Why media audit?

Media is typically the single largest line-item in the marketing budget (the making of the ad itself is typically about a sixth of the size of the media spend). For some organizations, media space or time (i.e. airtime on the TV or radio) is actually the single biggest purchase they make – ahead of any single raw materials cost. Because the sums involved are large, and because they can be cost-controlled via a media audit, it is simply good business practice.

 

Who uses media auditing?

Most major advertisers use media auditors in markets where developed solutions are possible.

At the basic level, media audits help marketers to check media rates they’re paying vis a vis the competition.

At a tactical level, media audits can report on the efficacy of media plans for a given time period. This includes suggesting alternate media options available to replace / supplement the existing mix.

And finally at a process level, media audits can track processes deployed at the marketer’s end and map them vis a vis “best practices” in the industry.

Thus, a media audit can be seen as a periodic review of the constantly evolving media scene from the advertiser's viewpoint.

 

Scope of Media Audit

An independent media audit team acts as independent consultant to brand marketers to assess whether the marketer’s media agency & their offering are aligned to the business needs of the client. In order to do that a media audit team provides the following services:

· Process Audit

· Planning Audit with New Media Options

· Buying Audit

Thus, Media Audit scrutinizes processes of media buying, scheduling, planning, rates across media and compares it with a benchmark. Media Audit essentially examines whether client got what it ordered, and if you they are paying for what they intended.

 

There is various aspect of Media audit.

 

a. Financial Audit: This audit essentially examines whether client got what it ordered, and if they are paying for what was intended.

Another aspect of financial audit is the payment. Client pays Media Buying Agency (MBA), who in turn pays the media supplier. Did the client money reach them, and did it reach on the due date? That involves reconciliation between what client paid for and where it went. Apart from this, there is also a need to check if the authority is being exercised correctly.

 

b. 'Return of rebates and discounts': The second type of audit is what is called 'return of rebates and discounts', which some media owners give the MBA directly for space or airtime bookings in excess of a certain volume.

So MBAs push advertisers to spend on a given medium or channel to gain volumes, and thus rebates. It is called agency volume discount. Advertisers would want that discount passed back to them, in proportion to their spends.

 

c. Critique: The third aspect of media audit is a critique on the way media planning has been done by the agency. Media audit examines if where client advertised was correctly optimized, both in terms of cost and in terms of thinking. A critique can, therefore, go into the kind of media chosen and then make qualitative assessments and comments. The media auditor audits the media plan to examine if the plan was fair and optimum.

INDIA’S FREEDOM STRUGGLE AND ROLE OF MEDIA

At the time of the first war of independence, there were many newspapers operational in India. Many of these like Bangadoot of Ram Mohan Roy, Rastiguftar of Dadabhai Naoroji and Gyaneneshun advocated social reforms and thus helped arouse national awakening.

In 1857, Payam-e-Azadi started publication in Hindi and Urdu, calling upon the people to fight against the British. The paper was soon confiscated, and anyone found with a copy of the paper was persecuted for sedition.

The first Hindi daily, Samachar Doorbeen and Sultan-ul-Akhar, faced trial in 1957 for having published a ‘firman’ by Bahadur Shah Zafar, urging the people to drive the British out of India. This was followed by the notorious ‘Gagging Act’ of Lord Canning where restrictions were imposed on newspapers and periodicals.

Some newspapers played a notable role in the struggle against the British. The Hindi Patriot established in 1853 by Grish Chandra Ghosh became popular under the editorship of Harish Chandra Mukherjee. In 1861, the paper published a play, ‘Neel Darpan’ and launched a movement against the British, urging the people to stop cultivating the crop for the traders. This resulted in the formation of a Neel Commission. Later, the paper was taken over by Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. The paper strongly opposed the Government’s excesses and demanded that Indians be appointed to top government posts. The Indian Mirror was the other contemporary of this paper which was very popular among the reading public.

Another newpaper Amrita Bazar Patrika which was being published from Jessore, was critical of the government, with the result that its proprietors faced trial and conviction. In 1871, the Patrika moved to Calcutta and another Act was passed to suppress it and other native journals.

Marathi Press:

Mahadev Govind Ranade, a leading leader of Maharashtra, used to write in Gyan Prakash as well as the Indu Prakash. Both these journals helped awaken the conscience of the downtrodden masses.

Another Marathi weekly, Kesari was started by Tilak from 1 Jan 1881. He along with Agarkar and Chiplunkar started another weekly journal, Mratha in English. The editor of the ‘Deccan Star’ Nam Joshi also joined them and his paper was incorporated with Maratha.

Tilak and Agarkar were convicted for writings against the British and the Diwan of Kolhapur. Tilak’s Kesari became one of the leading media to propagate the message of freedom movement. It also made the anti-partition movement of Bengal a national issue. In 1908 Tilak opposed the Sedition ordinance. He was later exiled from the country for six years. Hindi edition of Kesari was started from Nagpur and Benaras.

 

Press and the First Session of Congress

The Editors commanded a very high reputation at the time of the birth of the Indian National Congress. One could measure the extent of this respect from the fact that those who occupied the frontline seats in the first ever Congress session held in Bombay in December 1885 included some of the editors of Indian newspapers.

The first ever resolution at this Session was proposed by the editor of The Hindu, G. Subramanya Iyer. In this resolution, it was demanded that the government should appoint a committee to enquire into the functioning of Indian administration.

The second resolution was also moved by a journalist from Poona, Chiplunkar in which the Congress was urged to demand for the abolition of India Council which ruled the country from Britain.

The third resolution was supported by Dadabhai Naoroji who was a noted journalist of his time.

The fourth resolution was proposed by Dadabhai Naoroji. There were many Congress Presidents who had either been the editors or had started the publication of one or the other newspapers. In this context, particular mention may be made of Ferozeshah Mehta who had started the Bombay Chronicle and Pandit Madan Malaviya who edited daily, Hindustan. He also helped the publication of leader from Allahabad. Moti Lal Nehru was the first Chairman of the Board of Directors.

Lala Lajpat Rai inspired the publication of three journals, the Punjabi, Bandematram and the People from Lahore.

During his stay in South Africa, Gandhiji has brought out Indian Opinion and after settling in India, he started the publication of Young India; Navjeevan, Harijan, Harijan Sevak and Harijan Bandhu.

Subash Chandra Bose and C. R. Das were not journalists but they acquired the papers like Forward and Advance which later attained national status.

Jawaharlal Nehru founded the National Herald.

Revolutionary Movement and the Press

As far as the revolutionary movement is concerned, it did not begin with guns and bombs but it started with the publication of newspapers. The first to be mentioned in this context is Yugantar publication which was started by Barindra Kumar Ghosh who edited it also.

When the Ghadar party was organized in America, Lala Hardayal started publication of the journal ‘Ghadar’. Within one year, millions of copies of this journal were published in Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi, Gujarati, Marathi and English and sent to India and to all parts of the world where Indians were residing. In the beginning the copies of the journal were concealed in parcels of foreign cloth sent to Delhi. It was also planned to smuggle the printing press into India for this purpose. But then the war broke out and it became almost impossible to import printing machinery from abroad. Lala Hardayal was arrested in America and deported to India. One of his followers Pandit Ramchandra started publishing Hindustan Ghadar in English. With the U.S. joining the war, the Ghadar party workers were arrested by the American Government. When the trial was on, one of the rivals of Pandit Ramchandra managed to obtain a gun and shoot himself in the jail. The death of Ramchandra led to the closure of this paper.

In 1905 Shyamji Krishna Verma started publication of a journal Indian Sociologist from London. It used to publish reports of political activities taking place at the India House in London. In 1909 two printers of this journal were convicted. Shyamji Krishna Verma left England for Paris from where he started the publication of the journal. Later on, he had to leave for Geneva. He continued to bring out the journal from there for two or three years more.

In Paris, Lala Hardayal, in collaboration with Madam Cama and Sardar Singhraoji Rana brought our Vandematram and Talwar. After Yugantar, it was Vandematram that played a significant role in the freedom struggle. This journal was established by Subodha Chandra Malik, C. R. Das and Bipin Chandra Pal on August 6, 1906. its editor, Aurobindo Ghosh, the editor of Sandhya B. Upadhyay and editor of Yugantar B.N.Dutt had to a face a trial for espousing the cause of freedom.

As far as the Hindi papers were concerned, they looked to government for support for some time. Bhartendu Harish Chandra was the first to start a journal Kavi Vachan Sudha in 1868. Its policy was to give vent to the miseries of the people of India. When the Prince of Wales visited India, a poem was published in his honor. The British authorities were given to understand that the poem could also mean that the Prince of Wales should get a shoe-beating. The government aid to journals like Kavi Vachan Sudha was stopped on account of publishing what was objectionable from the government point of view. Bhartendu Harish Chandra resigned from his post of an honorary Magistrate. His two friends, Pratap Narain Mishra and Bal Krishna started publication of two important political journals. Two friends, Pratap Narain Mishra and Bal Krishna Bhatt started publication of two important political journals Pradeep from Allahabad, and Brahman from Kanpur. The Pradeep was ordered to be closed down in 1910 for espousing the cause of freedom.

The Bharat-Mitra was a famous Hindi journal of Calcutta which started its publication on May 17, 1878 as a fortnightly. It contributed a lot in propagating the cause of freedom movement. The journal exposed the British conspiracy to usurp Kashmir.

Several other papers published from Calcutta which played an important role in freedom struggle included Ambika Prasad Vajpayee’s Swantrantra, Ramanand Chatterjee’s Modern Review in English, Pravasi Patra’ in Bengali and Vishal Bharat in Hindi.

One of the foremost Hindi journalist who has earned a name for his patriotism was Ganesh Shanker Vidyarthi. In 1913, he brought out weekly Pratap from Kanpur. He made the supreme sacrifice in 1931 in the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity. Krishna Dutt Paliwal brought out Sainik from Agra which became a staunch propagator of nationalism in Western U.P.

The noted Congress leader, Swami Sharadhanand, started the publication of Hindi journal Vir Arjun and Urdu journal Tej. After the assassination of Swami Sharadhanand, Vidyavachaspathi and Lala Deshbandhu Gupta continued the publication of these journals. They were themselves prominent Congress leaders.

In Lahore, Mahashaya Khushal Chand brought out Milap and Mahashaya Krishna started publishing Urdu journals which helped a lot in promoting the national cause. In 1881, Sardar Dayal Singh Majitha on the advice of Surendra Nath Bannerjee brought out Tribune under the editorship of Sheetala Kant Chatterjee. Bipin Chandra Pal also edited this paper for sometime. Later in 1917, Kalinath Rai joined the paper as its editor.

A. G. Horniman made the Bombay chronicle a powerful instrument to promote militant nationalism. He himself took part in the meetings where Satyagraha used to be planned. He published vivid accounts of Jallianwala Bagh carnage for which one correspondent of his paper, Goverdhan Das, was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment by a military court. Horniman too was arrested and deported to London even though he was ill at that time.

Amritlal Shet brought out the Gujarati Journal Janmabhumi which was an organ of the people of the princely states of Kathiawad, but it became a mouthpiece of national struggle. Similarly another Gujarati journal Saanjvartman played a prominent role under the editorship of Sanwal Das Gandhi, who played a very significant role in the Quit India Movement in 1942. It was soon after independent formed a parallel Government in Junagarh and forced the Nawab of Junagarh to leave the country. The three editors of the Sindhi journal Hindi Jairam Das Daulatram, Dr. Choithram Gidwani and Hiranand Karamchand, were arrested, their press closed and the property of the paper confiscated.

In Bihar the tradition of national newspapers was carried forward by Sachidanand Sinha, who had started the publication of Searchlight under the editorship of Murtimanohar Sinha.

Dev Brat Shastri started publication of Nav Shakti and Rashtra Vani. The weekly Yogi and the Hunkar also contributed very much to the general awakening.

There is not a single province in India which did not produce a journal or newspaper to uphold the cause of freedom struggle

Ref: Introduction to Journalism – Troy Rebeiro

Watch the video presentation of this topic by clicking - India's Freedom Struggle and the Role of Media

COUNCIL FOR FAIR BUSINESS PRACTICES (CFBP)

Council for Fair Business Practices (CFBP)

On October 2, 1966, the Late Mr. J R D Tata, the Late Mr. Ramakrishna Bajaj, Mr. Arvind Mafatlal and Mr. F. T. Khorakiwala, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s message came together and formulated a Code of Conduct for Businessmen. Out of this desire to build bridges of understanding between manufacturers and consumer, the Fair Trade Practices Association was born and later renamed as Council for Fair Business Practices (CFBP). It represented the coming together of a section of like-minded businessmen who felt the need to safeguard consumer interests in an organized manner through a forum of Self Regulation and thereby help elevate the public image of business.

Today this organization is the only of its kind in India and has as its member in some of the Country’s leading business houses and Trade Associations. Since its inception the Council has been propagating the code of Fair Business Practices which codifies the norms of business activities that ensure justice and a fair deal to the consumer.

CFBP was set up because doubts arise sometimes in the mind of the consumer about the business community due to some elements whose dealing with the consumer has not been devoid of unfair trade practices. There is a great need for better communication, understanding and rapport between the Consumer and Business. CFBP tries to bridge this gap. It insists on not only prescribing the code, but exhorts its members to steadfastly follow the code of fair business practices.

Though the council is a body of Businessmen, its main objective is to protect the consumer’s interest. The council has remained committed to the philosophy of self – regulation and has brought about awareness that the consumer’s right must be safeguarded and protected which will ultimately promote better business. The image of the business community needs to be improved to gain greater goodwill with the consumer. A satisfied consumer is the best insurance for a businessman. A customer would prefer to deal with a member of CFBP rather than with someone outside the discipline of CFBP

 

 

CENTRAL CONSUMER PROTECTION COUNCILS

 

Central Consumer Protection Councils

1.      The central council consists of:

·         The chairperson who is the minister in charge of the consumers’ affairs in the central Government.

·         Other official & non-official members representing such interest.

2.      They meet as and when necessary. At least one meeting has to be held every year.

3.      The chairperson decides where the meeting could be held.

4.      The objective of the central council is to promote & protect the consumers.

·         To stop marketing of goods hazardous to like property.

·         To be informed about the quality, quantity, potency, purity, standard & price of goods.

·         The right to be assured and have access to a variety of goods at competitive prices.

·         The right to be heard & be assured that consumers interest will receive due consideration.

·         The right to seek redressal against unfair trade practices or exploitation.

·         The right to consumer education.

The State Consumer Protection Council

Same as Central Consumer Protection Disputes redressal, agencies also known as District forums are set up by the state government.

Consumer Forum – Consumer Disputes redressal agencies also known as District forums are set up by the state government in each district. There may be more than one area district council in a district if the government thinks it is necessary. The central government can set up national consumer redressal commission.

Each District forum consists of:

1.      The president will be a person who has the qualifications to be a district judge.

2.      Two other members are persons of ability, integrity and standing with adequate knowledge or experience or capacity to deal with problem relating to economics, low, consumer accountancy industry, public affairs’ administration, one will be a woman member.

3.      Every appointment will be made by the state government on the recommendation of a select committee consulting of –

a)      President of the state commission

b)      Secretary, Law department of the state

c)      Secretary in-charge of the department dealing with consumers affairs

Every member will hold office for a test of five years or up to the age of 65 years. They cannot be reappointed. The salary or honorarium, other terms & conditions as may be prescreened by the state government.

They can entertain complaints where the value does not exceed Rs. 5 lakhs. The complaint will be within the local limits with the opposite party resides or carries on business with the permission of the district forum.

The commission has the power to award compensation not only for loss or damage but also for injustice, harassment & agony suffered by consumers. A complaint has to be filed by:

ü  The consumer to whom such goods are sold.

ü  Any recognized consumer association even if the consumer is not a member of the said association.

ü  Group of consumers.

ü  Central or state government.

Procedure on the receipt of complaint

·         A copy of complaint is sent to the opposite party asking him to give his version of the case within 30 days.

·         The opposition can proceed to settle the consumers’ dispute in a manner specified.

·         If a test or analysis of the product is to be made, the sample is taken from the consumers, & sent for the necessary lest. The reports of these tests are then sent to the district forum within 55 days. An extended period may be granted if necessary.

·         The complainant has to deposit such fees as may be specified to the laboratory to carry out the analysis. The report will be given to the district forum who will send it to the opposite party with appropriate remarks.

·         If the opposite party objects to the method of testing or the correctness of the finding, the opponent has to submit in writing the objection.